More Christmas Memories of Luxor

Everybody likes pictures.  I’ve found a directory of photos from one of my just-before-Christmas trips, back in December 2007.  This is what you went for.  And it was really very cheap!

Looking west across the Nile towards the Theban Hills one evening.
No tricks, just raw photograph. Occasionally the sunset in tropical countries just fills the world with gold.
Not sure where that is, but probably the temple of Medinet Habu, on the west bank of the Nile.  The funerary temple of Ramasses III, and the most defensible point in the area during the middle ages. (Update: it is in fact Edfu!)
Always stay in five-star hotels when you’re out east.  This is the Jolie Ville, or was.

It was always really important to stay in good hotels out there.  Otherwise you get sick.  Of course “good” is a relative term.  If you stay in a “five star”, when things go wrong – and they do, in the east! – the staff look embarrassed and try to help.  In the “three star” they shrug, as if to say, “what do you expect in a dump like this?”

Good memories!  The thing about being interested in the ancient world is that the climate is usually good!

Merry Christmas!

A very merry Christmas for 2025 to all my readers wherever you may be!

If you are reading this on Christmas day, it is perhaps likely that you on your own today, old perhaps, or maybe sick, or sad, or all of those things. Indeed I myself had the misfortune to fall ill a week ago, which has left me glad to sit at home quietly, but still missing the company. So I do sympathise!

Christmas can be hard to bear for those in this sort of position every day, bringing back memories of happier days when there were more people around.  I have a feeling that the internet is full of people who perhaps are in this position, and who could not otherwise contribute to society.  It is probably a great blessing to the lonely and isolated.  I think, if we could see most of the people who post on social media, we might be surprised at the lives that some of them lead.  Let’s be grateful that we have this form of company.  Christmas day is just one day.  In the meantime, there are memories.

In the past, probably ten or twenty years ago now, I used to fly out to Luxor in Egypt for a week before Christmas.  It was a quirk of pricing that made this possible. I discovered that, if you went in Christmas week, prices doubled; but if you went the week before, it was possible to get a week in a five-star hotel very cheaply.  In those days there were plenty of charter flights out there – all vanished today – so it was no problem.  It meant a week of sunshine in the depths of winter, and it did wonders for your mood!  I can still remember staying in the Jolie Ville Hotel there, in chalets in the gardens, and gazing out over the mirror-like surface of the Nile in the mornings.  At breakfast we would sit on the terrace and see the pink mass of the Theban hills in the distance.  The unwary would mistake them for clouds!

Of course there were downsides.  The gardens were full of biting insects, which injected mud and worse into you.  Huge lumps!  Also the Egyptians were negligent about hygiene, which meant that upset stomachs were nearly certain.  Indeed I stopped going out there for precisely that reason, getting tired of being avoidably sick at Christmas.

One year there was a three day cruise, visiting Dendera, then going up to Esna and Kom Ombo.  I knew that the dishes on these boats are often washed in Nile water – heavily polluted. I went on the first day, as a day trip.  I ate nothing.  The food looked wonderful, but I deliberately did not eat a thing.  And I was fine.  But when the boat got back from the rest of the cruise, 3 days later, I learned that everyone who had done the full trip had been sick on day 2.  That “wonderful” food was all contaminated.

It could also be a bit of a shock coming home.  Travelling on Christmas Eve is risky.  Lots of stuff just shuts down.  Also I remember one year getting back to my car – late in the evening, of course -, and finding it covered in ice.  I had to chip the ice off the windscreen before I could drive home.  Another year I arrived back, on Christmas morning, at 1am, to find my central heating was dead!  But I had a service contract.  Without much hope, I telephoned at 9am – and to my amazement someone came out and fixed it by 11am.  I still have that contract.

I have thought about going out to Egypt again.  The hot sun in the depths of winter really makes the winter seem short.  Sadly the Jolie Ville is now far gone in decay, if the reviews on TripAdvisor are a guide.  My girlfriend doesn’t want food poisoning.  My own difficulties make a 5 hour flight almost impractical anyway.  But maybe there is somewhere closer at hand, where the sun shines, and the light will be good for us both.

The dark days in winter are rough on us all.  When I was in Iceland, a decade ago, I was told that all the Icelanders get rather depressed.  The arrival of budget airlines were an incredible boon.  During the winter, most of the population gets cheap flights to Spain!

But anyway, back to Patristics!

A week ago, I was looking again at the untranslated letters of St Jerome; only a handful of pretty short letters.  I’ve translated a couple, which I will post.  Interestingly one of them has a definite textual problem, signalled in the edition of Hilberg.  I suspect Dr. H. made heavy weather of a copyist error tho.  The Patrologia Latina reprints the old edition of Vallarsi, and the comments in this are very sensible.

The Hilberg edition has rather odd spelling throughout.  What he seems to have done is reproduce what he finds in the medieval manuscripts, centuries later.  These are the spellings of medieval Latin, in the various regional forms.  They are not what Jerome would have written, of that we may be sure.  Reviewers have commented on this oddity.  I wonder if there is a standard approach that should be taken in these cases?

He also removes “v” and “j”, which serves no purpose other than to obstruct the casual reader.  Ancient Latin may not have been written like that, but neither was medieval English, and we would not think it “more authentic” to create a barrier to the modern reader.  But this I have commented on before.

Vallarsi only printed 150 letters.  The last few letters in Hilberg, mostly to Riparius, a fellow cleric – from letter 151 on – were only discovered in the 1920s by De Bruyne. It seems that there are also quite a few spurious letters, about which I know nothing.  I have read that when Erasmus edited the letters of Jerome, he divided them into genuine and spurious and printed both in separate volumes.  I wonder what is in the “spurious” volume?  Or what the origins of those texts might be?

I cannot say that I like the Jerome letters much.  They are full of denunciations of “heretics”, in tones unpleasantly like those of modern culture warriors.  But I will see what I can do with them.

I’ve also been tidying up after the Botolph project.  I have a physical book here which I have partially scanned in, and will not need further.  I might donate it to a university library that should have it but does not.  I’ll drop them an email first, once they return from the interminable holiday at this time of year.  It’s important to declutter.

I’m still awaiting one loose end.  There is a manuscript in York Cathedral Library that I would like to collate.  Unfortunately obtaining a photo of the single page is very slow.

That’s it for now folks.  Again, Merry Christmas everyone!

British Library Manuscripts Catalogue back online

Via Bluesky (is this a first?) I learn that the British Library Manuscript catalogue is now back online, two years after the cyber-attack destroyed it.  The post is from Calum Cockburn who is the curator of medieval manuscripts

An interim version of the Explore Archives and Manuscripts Catalogue is now available through the BL website: searcharchives.bl.uk It contains all the catalogue data from the eve of the 2023 cyberattack, and features embedded links to all currently available digitised content within the records.

The site traffic on Bluesky is so low that nobody seems to have read the post, so it’s well worth reposting here.

A search for “Tertulliani” correctly lists the three manuscripts of Tertullian that they hold, plus someone’s notes in a Lansdowne manuscript.

Where the manuscript is online, they include a link to it and a thumbnail image to the right.  The Tertullian manuscripts were never photographed, so have none.  (Possibly I should go down there and photograph them myself!)

Clicking on the link for the oldest, Royal MS 5 F XVIII:

Something I really do like is that link which I have circled in red: a list of all the manuscripts in that collection, the Royal manuscripts, the original deposit at the founding of the British Library.  (Others are “Additional”, etc).  That is very handy indeed.

Good to see progress!

An old hoax: the Turkish Aramaic “gospel of Barnabas” forgery from 2012 resurfaces

An old hoax has re-emerged online this week.  Here’s one example, but an image search reveals that it’s hanging around Muslim forums online.

A groundbreaking discovery in Türkiye has unearthed a supposedly 1500 year-old Gospel that has sparked intense debate and challenged deeply ingrained beliefs in religious history… It is written in Syriac, an ancient dialect of Aramaic, using gold lettering on loosely tied leather.

This ancient text, known as the Gospel of Barnabas, offers a radically new perspective on a key issue in Christian theology: the crucifixion of Jesus Christ. In a shocking revelation,….

This story emerged in 2012, and was comprehensively dealt with at that time.  It’s not “1500 years old” – the writing in the colophon above actually says it was written in 1500 *AD* – 500 years old.  It’s a copy of Matthew’s Gospel in the Syriac Peshitta version.  But it’s not even that old; it’s a modern fake, using neo-Syriac book hand, and written by someone with limited knowledge of Syriac.  There is a gang of Turkish forgers out there who keep producing “ancient” manuscripts, often in purple and gold.

Google search is so bad these days that the results mainly link to the nonsense, not to the careful refutations published back in 2012.  The place to look is Jim Davila’s Paleojudaica blog, and in particular this article ‘More on that Turkish Aramaic “Bible”‘ which links to all the various resources.  This seems to be the first in the chain. From this I learn that a couple of scholars at the AINA website analysed it:

This “Bible” is written on leather in gold letters. The picture of the front cover show inscriptions in Aramaic and a picture of a cross.

[photo]

For any native speaker of Modern Assyrian (also known as neo-Aramaic), and that would be your average Assyrian today, the inscription is easily read. The bottom inscription, which is the most clearly visible from the published photos, says the following:

Transliteration: b-shimmit maran paish kteewa aha ktawa al idateh d-rabbaneh d-dera illaya b-ninweh b’sheeta d-alpa w-khamshamma d-maran

Translation: In the name of our Lord, this book is written on the hands of the monks of the high monastery in Nineveh, in the 1,500th year of our Lord.

Nineveh is the ancient Assyrian capital and is located in present-day north Iraq, near Mosul.

There are spelling errors that are immediately noticeable.

The first word, b’shimmit maran (“in the name of our Lord”), is erroneously spelled with a ‘t’ instead of a ‘d’. The ‘d’ in Assyrian is the genitive, and it prefixes the word that follows. It should read b-shimma d-maran, not b-shimmit maran (note, the last word of the sentence is correctly spelled d-maran (“of our Lord”)).

The first word also contains another spelling error. The correct spelling for “name” in Assyrian is ashma, with the initial ‘a’ being silent. Therefore, when correctly spelled, ‘in the name of our Lord” should be written as b-ashma d-maran.

The word idateh is misspelled, it should end with an ‘a’, idata. Also the phrase al idateh (“on the hands”) is incorrect, it should read b-idata (“by the hands”).

The bottom sentence uses the word ktawa (“book”) to refer to the book, but in Assyrian the Bible is never referred to as a “book.” One says awreta (Old Testament), khdatta (New Testament), or ktawa qaddeesha (holy book). Given this, since no one has seen the inside of this “Bible,” we cannot be sure if it is in fact a Bible.

Most significantly, this writing is in Modern Assyrian, which was standardized in the 1840s. The first bible in Modern Assyrian was produced in 1848. If this book were written in 1500 A.D. it should have been written in Classical Assyrian.

It is highly unlikely for monks to make such elementary mistakes. It remains to be seen whether this book is a forgery, or even what kind of book it is.

The bottom inscription also says the book was written in 1500 A.D..

Peter Williams at ETC also looked at this:

The photo starts by homing in on the word ‘Amen’ halfway down the left hand page. As it scrolls over the wording above it is clear that it is Matthew, we get the sequence:

[dn]trwn klm’ dpqdt[kwn]…
‘n’ ‘mkwn ‘n’ kl[hwn]
[yw]mt’ ‘dm’ lšwlm[h]

that they should keep all that I have commanded [you]
I am with you all
[da]ys until the end [of]

It’s just plain Peshitta.

Now are my eyes deceiving me or does the last line of the colophon they show say something about ‘in the year 1,500 of our Lord’?

bšnt’ ‘lp’ whmšm’ dmrn

If so, the media dating is only out by a millennium, but I’m not sure of my reading at this stage.

The pointed Nestorian script is the giveaway that we’re not dealing with something 1,500 years old.

It is puzzling that if the end of Matthew is on the left hand page, the right hand page should be blank. Also with only two verses appearing on this page of Matthew (28:19-20) there is certainly no way this manuscript has enough pages to contain the four gospels and no way that the whole of Matthew could occur to the right. Moreover, it’s odd that all the writing is grouped on the right hand side of the page. These are features which would make me think of it as a modern forgery. Why go to the effort of using gold and yet have the appearance on the page so irregular and the margins so uneven?

After this everything went very quiet.

And what does AI have to say?  I uploaded the image earlier to Google Image Search and I got this:

I have sent feedback that it is a hoax, but I have no idea if there is anyone listening.  Oh well.  I hope this modern blog post will catch at least some of the Google traffic.

Jerome, Letter 148, to Celantia – or rather, a letter of Pelagius?

A comment on my list of English translations of the letters of Jerome enquired about the authorship of Jerome’s letter 148, to Celantia (Ad Celantiam matronam, PL 22, 1204-29; 61:723-36; CSEL 56,329-355; CPL 745). This letter has long been known to be spurious.  Fremantle in his translation for the NPNF series, back in the 19th century, wrote:

This is an interesting letter addressed to a lady of rank, on the principles and methods of a holy life. It is not, however, the work of Jerome, of whose style it shows few traces. It has been ascribed in turn to Paulinus of Nola and Sulpicius Severus.

A bit of googling revealed the answer.  In what looks like a very interesting book, Hilmar Pabel, “Herculean Labours: Erasmus and the Editing of St. Jerome’s Letters in the Renaissance,” Brill (2008), p.153 and p.154 says:

Obviously, the critical sifting of works ascribed to Jerome did not begin with Erasmus, who quarantined most, but not all, of the spuria in a separate volume. As we have seen, Erasmus added three spurious texts at the end of the volume of exegetical letters. In the first volume, moreover, he inserted a letter to Celantia (ep. 148) and a familiar letter to Augustine. The former, probably written by Paulinus of Xola, was eloquent and learned but diverged from Jerome’s style. Erasmus included it owing to its subject matter—instructions for leading a pious life following Jerome’s letter to Paulinus on the proper conduct of a monk (cp. 58)—and as a sample of the eloquence of Paulinus, which the “most eloquent Jerome” greatly praised.109 Isidore Hilberg retained the letter to Cclantia in his critical edition of Jerome’s letters, noting that it appeared in a critical edition of Paulinus’ works.110 More recently, scholars have attributed the letter to Pelagius.111 In his argumentum to the letter to Augustine, Erasmus concedes that it is not sufficiently clear by whom or to whom the letter was written but believes the style is more characteristic of Augustine than of Jerome.112

110. CSEL 56/1: 329. Hilberg refers to Wilhelm Hartel’s edition of Paulinus in CSEL 29: 436-59.
111. Rees, “Pelagius: Life and Letters”, 2: 127-28.
112. Opera (1516) 1:96r.

Footnote 111 rather suggests that an English translation exists.  It turns out that the Rees reference is a combination of two earlier books.  The second of these is B.R. Rees, The Letters of Pelagius and his Followers, Boydell (1991), online here.  Pages 127-144 contain a full English translation of the letter 148 Ad Celantium.  The introduction is equally interesting:

The question of the authorship of this letter has attracted even more than the usual amount of speculation expected in connexion with this group of Pelagian works. At first, it was attributed to Jerome — in ‘seven of the ten manuscripts’ [2]; but two of these MSS give no ascription or title, and one (twelfth-century) has apocipha (sic) written in the margin by a later hand. Towards the end of the twelfth century the Abbot Guigo rejected it as a work of Jerome on stylistic grounds, and no one has assigned it to the latter since the time of Erasmus; he thought that Paulinus of Nola might be the author but Vallarsi suggested Sulpicius Severus on stylistic and other grounds.[3] More recently, Plinval has had no hesitation in attributing the letter to Pelagius, and other, more cautious scholars tend nowadays to agree with him: Evans endorses Kirmer’s discussion of the many similarities between this letter and Pelagian teaching in general and, in particular, in the Letter to Demetrias, favouring a date for its composition c.414, that is, in the same period as the latter.[4] Once again there is a plethora of biblical quotations, seventy-eight in all, many of them also to be found in the Demetrias
letter.

2. Evans, R.E, Four Letters of Pelagius, London, (1968), p.22.
3. See his note (c) on PL 22,1204.
4. Plinval, G. de, “Recherches sur l’oeuvre littéraire de Pélage”, Revue de Philologie 60 (1934), 9-42, 14ff.; Evans,1968, p.21f. The editor of PLS 1 (1103) also favours Pelagius, as does Nuvolone, E.G. and Solignac, A., ‘Pélage et pélagianisme’, Dictionnaire de spiritualité, ascetique, mystique, doctrine et histoire, 12B (1986), 2889-942; 2900.

He also tells us what the letter is about:

This minor treatise takes the form of a letter, written to a married lady of noble birth, on the subject of the way to live a godly life with special reference to the obligations of a Christian wife. Beginning with an exhortation to read and study the scriptures, it goes on to warn against pride in high birth and to insist that true nobility is by no means confined to the circles of the wealthy; on the contrary, riches may prove to be a handicap unless the responsibilities which they bring are understood and carried out. A great part of the letter is thus concerned with practical advice on how to conduct the household economy, how to behave to other members of the household, how to dress in a becoming manner and how to make suitable arrangements for prayer and personal devotions in the midst of the noise and bustle of a housewife’s life. Towards the end special reference is made to a wife’s obligations to her husband and, in this connexion, to Celantia’s decision, taken some time ago but subsequently reversed, to abstain from sexual intercourse with her husband and that without mutual consent. The letter ends with the customary Pelagian warning against complacency: the pursuit of righteousness calls for the exercise of eternal vigilance and unremitting attention but it leads to rich rewards at the end of the road.

This collection by Rees of 18 obscure letters, most of which perhaps do not otherwise exist in English, deserves some attention of its own.  It would be good to identity all of them by CPL number, and draw attention to their existence.  But this must wait for another time.

Choricius of Gaza, Oration 7 (Funeral oration for Procopius of Gaza) – now online in English

After learning about the 6th century orator, Procopius of Gaza, in my last post, I wanted to know a bit more about him.  Unfortunately the details of his life are known to us only from his letters, and from the oration delivered at his funeral by his pupil and successor as head of the school of Gaza, Choricius.

I thought that it might be interesting to read that oration, but I couldn’t find a translation.  Today I learned that apparently the orations of Choricius do exist in English, but only in an unpublished dissertation, Fotios K. Litsas, Choricius of Gaza: an Approach to his work, Diss. University of Chicago (1980).  Unfortunately this does not seem to be online, although no doubt it is in the ProQuest commercial database.

So I did what any of us might do, and grabbed the Italian translation by A. Corcella1 and ran it through automated tools and cleaned it up a bit. Since I did so, I thought that I would share the results.

I make no claim of copyright on this, of course.

Sadly the oration is not all that interesting.  It was written perhaps around 536.  But laced as it is with references to classical literature and anecdotes from it, it could be about anybody.  There are a few snippets on the man himself, but you get no picture of him beyond commonplaces.  The most interesting part of the funeral oration is at the end where, remarkably, Choricius turns it into a panegryic to the bishop of Gaza who is present!

The other element of interest is the utter lack of reference to the collapsed western part of the empire, now completely gone for some fifty years.  But it leaves no trace in the east.

  1. A. Corcella, in: E. Amato, Rose di Gaza: Gli scritti retorico-sofistici e le Epistole di Procopio di Gaza, (2010) pp.507-527.[]

Pseudo-Epiphanius, “Or. de Laud. Deip.”

An email today enquiring what is the work of Epiphanius (d. 403) which is referred to below, by A. Liguori in the Italian edition of Le glorie di Maria (1839), p. 359:

Ma benché Maria sin dacché fu fatta madre di Gesù diede il consenso alla di lui morte, volle non però il Signore, che in questo giorno ella facesse nel tempio un solenne sacrifìcio di se stessa con offerirgli solennemente il suo figlio, sacrificando alla divina giustizia la di lui vita preziosa. Che perciò S. Epifanio la chiamò Sacerdote: Vìrgìnem appello velut Sacerdotem (Or. de Laud. Deip.). Or qui entriamo a vedere quanto le costò di dolore questo suo sacrificio, e qual eroica virtù ebb’ ella ad esercitare, in dover sottoscrivere ella stessa la sentenza della condanna del suo caro Gesù alla morte.

Yet although Mary, from the moment she became the mother of Jesus, gave her consent to his death, the Lord nonetheless willed that on this day she should make a solemn sacrifice of herself in the temple by offering him solemnly her son, sacrificing his precious life to divine justice. Therefore, St. Epiphanius called her a Priest: “I call the Virgin as a Priest.” (Or. de Laud. Deip.). Now we come to see how much this sacrifice of hers cost her in sorrow, and what heroic virtue she had to exercise in having to subscribe herself to the sentence of condemnation of her dear Jesus to death.

I also found that there is a webpage run by wokist activists here which references the English translation of Liguori as part of their campaign against the Roman Catholic church.  But what is the work by Epiphanius?  What does it say?

The use of unnecessary abbreviations is a vice in older literature, although it’s fairly obvious here: Or. de Laud. Deip. = Oratio de Laudibus Deiparae, “Sermon on the praises of the Theotokos/Mother of God.”  But that doesn’t sound like any work by Epiphanius that most of us know, and the term “Theotokos” is itself first a rallying-cry of the 5th century, and later a mark of loyalty in the medieval Greek church.

A look at the Clavis Patrum Graecorum gives us entry CPG 3771, Homilia in laudes s. Mariae deiparae, beginning “Τὰς ἐκλαμπούσας μαρμαρυγὰς τῆς θεοτόκου” and ending “Τριάδα ἀχώριστον καὶ ὁμοούσιον δοξάζοντες εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων. Ἀμήν.”  It’s also in the Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca as BHG 1143.  The text with early modern translation into Latin can be found in the PG 43, columns 485-501.

For those unfamiliar with a CPG entry, here it is:

The CPG classes the work as spurious, and notes that it is also attributed to Hesychius of Jerusalem.  For the date, it references R. Caro, La Homiletica Mariana Griega, which reviews the mass of Marian 5th century homilies, and suggests that this places the text at the end of that period; but I find that in fact he gives a date of 6th-8th century.1

Translations of the homily are widespread, into Syriac, Coptic, Armenian, Arabic, and Old Slavonic.  There is also an entry for CPG 3771 in the supplement volume.  The invaluable Pinakes database lists 21 manuscripts.

An Academia.edu article gives us a short excerpt with English translation, which gives us a flavour of the text.

Epiphanios, Sermo de vita deiparae (CPG 3771, BHG 1143) 192–193:

Τὸ δὲ ἦθος αὐτῆς ἦν τοιοῦτον· σεμνὴ κατὰ πάντα καὶ ὀλιγόλαλος, ταχυπήκοος, εὐπροσήγορος, ἀπαρρησίαστος πρὸς πάντα ἄνθρωπον, ἀγέλαστος, ἀτάραχος, ἀόργητος, εὐπροσκύνητος, τιμητική, τιμῶσα καὶ προσκυνοῦσα πάντα ἄνθρωπον, ὥστε θαυμάζειν ἅπαντας εἰς τὴν σύνεσιν καὶ τὴν λαλιὰν αὐτῆς· τὴν ἡλικίαν μέση· τινὲς δέ φασιν αὐτὴν πλέον ἔχειν τοῦ μέσου· σιτόχροος, ξανθόθριξ, ξανθόμματος, εὐόφθαλμος, μελανόφρυς, ἐπίρρινος, μακρόχειρ, μακροδάκτυλος, μακροπρόσωπος, χάριτος θείας καὶ ὡραιότητος πεπληρωμένη· ἄτυφος, ἀσχημάτιστος, ἄβλακος, ταπείνωσιν ὑπερβάουσαν ἔχουσα.

Her (the Virgin’s) character was as follows: reverend in all, short in speech, quick to obey, well-expressed, not speaking openly to all men, not laughing, undisturbed, not irascible, full of reverence and honour, honouring and revering all men, to the extent of making all wonder her for her understanding and speech, of middle stature, but some say that hers was above average, corn-coloured skin, blonde hair, with tawny and beautiful eyes, black-browned, with prominent nose, long-armed, long-fingered, long-faced, full of divine grace and beauty, not puffed up, unaffected, not lazy, exceeding all in humility.

The quote itself can be found in PG vol. 43, column 498B:

Non novit natura humana partum meum, excepto solo Deo, qui in me habitavit.  O Virginem, stupendum Ecclesiae thesaurum, qui adeptus est ingens mysterium, Virginem appellat velut sacerdotem pariter, et altare; quae quidem mensam ferens, dedit nobis coelestem panem Christum in remissionem peccatorum.

“Human nature did not know my offspring, except God alone, who dwelt in me.” O Virgin, the wondrous treasure of the Church, who obtained the great mystery, He calls her Virgin as if both priest and altar equally; she who, indeed, bearing the table, gave us the heavenly bread, Christ, for the remission of sins.

Without translating the whole work, it’s hard to know the context, but it is clearly a whole series of sometimes rather strained praises of the virgin Mary.  Interesting anyway.

  1. Maria Evangelatou, “The Theotokos as Provider of the Eucharist in Byzantine Culture”, In: Thomas Arentzen & Mary Cunningham (eds), The Reception of the Virgin in Byzantium, Cambridge (2019), p.77-119: p.88, n.62: “…(ps- ) Epiphanios, Homily 5 in Praise of the Virgin (CPG 3771, BHG 1143), PG 43, 492D, 493B, 496A/D; on the probable later date (sixth to eighth century) of this homily, see R. Caro , La Homiletica Mariana griega en el siglo V ( Dayton, OH: University of Dayton, 1971), vol. 2, 578– 91.”[]

Jerome and the letters of Procopius of Gaza

Among the few untranslated letters of St Jerome, Epistle 150 is a very short item which is completely spurious.  This is because it is from Procopius of Gaza, the late 5th-early 6th century sophist.  Note that this is not the more famous, and slightly later, historian Procopius of Caesarea, who chronicled the wars of Justinian.  The letter is indeed written to a “Hieronymus”, but it is to another Jerome, one who lives in Egypt.

It seems that there is no translation of the letters of Procopius in English, nor French.  But a complete and rather charming translation exists in Italian, translated beautifully by Federica Ciccolella, and edited by Eugenio Amato, Rose di Gaza: Gli scritti retorico-sofistici e le Epistole di Procopio di Gaza, Edizionei dell’Orso (2010).  I was very fortunate to obtain access to a copy.

It turns out that Jerome, Letter 150, is letter 81 of the collected letters of Procopius of Gaza. The simplest way to discover this was to search for letters addressed to Jerome, and run them through DeepSeek AI translation.  I’ve not checked the results, but they’re probably good enough for casual use, and I thought that I would share a few with you, and a few excerpts from the wonderful footnotes.

9.  To Jerome.

I thought my sister’s wedding was a secret, not that it was known to all who live near my house, let alone to you—I believed you were still by the Nile. But it seems nothing related to luxury escapes you; indeed, as soon as an event occurs, the scent of celebration reaches you from afar. Perhaps you can outdo the Homeric Zeus in your love for libations and the fat that curls in spirals of smoke.

This is what the Nile and the fortunate men who live along that river have instilled in you, and now, residing in Elusa, your senses have grown even sharper whenever smoke rises from the earth. As for your slave, I was almost moved to treat him poorly for not having you write the letter in full. But since he brought gifts from you, the sight of them changed my mind and, somehow, dissolved my anger. I will respond to these matters briefly: for either a little daughter has been born to you, or one is about to be born.

I learn from the excellent notes that Elusa was a city in the northern Negev, about 30 miles from Gaza, and the most important city in the region.  Despite the aridity of the area, the city was prosperous thanks to the caravan traffic.  Christianity arrived around 400 and the desert setting became the home of monks and hermits.  Drought and shifting sands were a constant threat to urban life, and the city was abandoned in the 8th century.  Procopius emphasises how poor it was compared to wealthy Alexandria, where many citizens of Elusa migrated: the city was a “hell” (ep. 87) where the water tasted salty, bread was made of barley (ep. 2, 91) and wind and sand interfered with the cultivation of vines (ep. 81).

81.  To Jerome.

Egypt and luxury again—we are so poor compared to you, with no thought for those left far behind. But that is nothing—by all means, let it be so, if only you may laugh while seeing the Nile flow like gold! And even if you raise your eyebrow still higher, we will certainly bear being scorned. For a day will come when you will see Elusa once more and weep for the sand borne on the wind, which strips the vines down to their roots. There dwell only a few desert and brackish nymphs, while Zeus the Rain‑giver is nowhere to be found. Then it will be my turn to laugh and write a comedy about fate, while you will deem me happy—the one you now despise. But so long as the Nile allows you such airs, at least write, and go ahead and call us insignificant creatures who walk the earth. Thus we will be happy if you write, and at the same time we will comfort ourselves for your arrogance with hope in the future.

Vines were grown in Elusa, all the same, and the archaeology includes a huge wine-press.  Of course in Elusa men had to walk, rather than ride on boats on the Nile.

86.  To Jerome

It should have been you, my friend—you who have gone away from us—to begin the correspondence and to inform us, who miss you greatly, whether Poseidon has been favorable to you and made the sea smooth for your ship, whether your situation in the city of Alexander is favorable, whether you have happily sailed up the abundant Nile, whether your school is thriving, and consequently, whether you have heaps of money and your house is overflowing with Egyptian gifts. You ought to have written these things and kept your promises—promises that included frequent letters, but not the forgetting of friends. Yet you do not even care who writes to you, refusing to reply to letters! Indeed, this is already the second one I have sent you, and if you continue to keep silent, we will soon add a third, until at least some shame over your behaviour seizes you and we manage to hear your voice.

Procopius complains that Jerome hasn’t written after his arrival in Alexandria – is this perhaps an earlier letter, chronologically?  The comments about how the riches of Egypt and how Jerome must be making a fortune have the feel of a standing joke between the two friends.

91. To Jerome.

What a grave accusation you have brought against us—we, the arrogant, the overly sophistical, those sick with pride behind a modest appearance! I could not even begin to count how many arguments you have piled up against us, as though you have long been waiting for the moment to unleash your tongue upon us. And so, without even giving a just cause, you bring forth what you had long kept hidden. So tell me: what is so terrible if, in writing to you, I began the letter with “Procopius greets Jerome”? I am certain you yourself would agree that this follows ancient usage. “But there is no need,” you say, “to depart from the custom that now prevails.” Well then, go ahead and accuse even one who wishes to restore the pomposity that now reigns to its ancient dignity, and to return to the muse of Terpander the music that has sunk into meaningless songs and popular trifles!

But why, by Zeus, protector of friendship, would you yourself appear solemn if you uttered some Attic phrase and won approval for conforming to the ancient rules, when you can fill yourself with common words and carry them to the public assembly? Or why, when you sit in your chair before the young, do you think it right to present them with some mighty phrase of the famous Aristides in order to gain approval by speaking like him? Did not Polemon cleanse ancient rhetoric of Asian charlatanry? If fate had granted you to be born back then, I believe you would perhaps even bring an accusation against him for neglecting custom and daring to be presumptuous by returning to the ancient art.

If only the Spartan table were in fashion again and our diet were like that of the ancient Persians: barley bread, water, and cress! Even now one could see such foods prevailing in your Elusa—not from an excess of temperance, but because those are the few provisions that land laboriously supplies to its inhabitants. And yet, now that you have learned Egyptian luxury, you have cast off your ancestral customs: you, who prescribe maintaining traditions even beyond what is fitting!

Moreover, calling me arrogant for placing your name after mine seems typical of someone unaware that what comes first in order does not at all hold the first place in value, or who pretends not to know the saying of Demosthenes that children are fond of reciting: that action, compared to speaking and voting, though last in order, is first and strongest in effect. But if you simply condemn this as presumption, it is time to include in the vice of insolence, along with me, all those who in ancient times used such forms of address—among whom, leaving others aside, I number Socrates and Plato, who raised philosophy to the heavens.

But as for arrogance, stop it from now on, and do not turn the proverb’s knife against yourself. Or is it not true that your own tales have long been known: that no sooner had you disembarked than the sons of the Egyptians accompanied you in procession with a barbarous shout, and there was a celebration no less solemn than when, in former times, a fortunate generation gave them Apis; and that, having become puffed up in mind for these reasons, you not only called me—living in a small city—a man of little worth, but also neglected your homeland, your wife, and even your own son? And perhaps you considered me, who practice philosophy, of no value because I did not receive abundant applause from a confused roar—oh Zeus!—and a barbarous tongue? What is worse, you called yourself a happy man only because they made your house overflow with food and meat. See how puffed up you have become over trifles, you who now accuse me of arrogance!

And I say this—by the gods!—not because I wish to take revenge for your words (for I do not think that would accord with my philosophy), but because, if possible, I want to make your tongue more moderate. But be careful not to refrain from writing us such things, frightened by the power of my words! For, in the name of your Nile and the Graces who dwell near you, I presented your letter as a public rhetorical exhibition, and it was recited to everyone in the center of Gaza. And I was ashamed to be called arrogant in your letter, and the public laughed at me, while you seemed to succeed with your arguments.

And our final quote.

124. To Jerome.

How proudly you parade along the Nile and attack us, dragging Egypt into it, as though you had reached the point of forgetting our dear Elusa! So not only are your letters sophistical, but I seemed even to see the arrogance of Gorgias in them. For you said that the Nile rains from the earth — if I have not missed some word — and makes navigable what was once passable on foot.(585) But what does that have to do with you, who live in the city of Hermes,(586) a place Zeus the Rain‑giver does not even glance at while the Nile, flowing past it, hastens elsewhere? And then why do you lie about harvesting crops? Unless you call “crops” the snakes and scorpions that swarm there. Reportedly, once, stung by one of them, they say you cried out, “Ah, ah!” Then, catching sight meanwhile of a lavish table, you threw yourself wholeheartedly toward it, greeting the scorpion — perhaps after uttering this comic line: “Even in death may I never be without you!”(588) This is what you should have written, not boasting with the goods of others! Yet you also accuse me of silence when it is you who tells us nothing at all. Of course, you could have found someone more talkative, and then you would not cite to us Cotocides(589), who mocked the sophists for being like flutes. Farewell, with your son and your wife. And do not loom sternly over your son Alexander, imposing too much effort on one so young.

585.  A reference to a widely held theory in antiquity that the Nile’s floods were caused by the surge of a river—a sort of second Nile that, on certain days of the year, emerged onto the surface from subterranean caves.
586.  Hermopolis Magna, modern Al-Ashmounein, a dry location which has preserved many papyri.
588.  Euripedes, Alcestis 367-8, reused in Aristophanes Acharnians 893-4.
598. Aeschines is called “Cotocides” by Demosthenes (13, 29). The allusion could concern Aeschin., 3,229, or some passage of a lost oration.

Obviously this is DeepSeek, and I haven’t gone through it line by line.  But it’s all very readable, and I truly wish these letters existed in English, with footnotes at the bottom of the page.  This is the sort of thing that Penguin did so well under Betty Radice with Pliny’s Letters.  Could someone do this again for Procopius?  I see that Federica Ciccolella seems to be at Texas A&M University, so must have good English.  Perhaps she could supervise a graduate student to do them for the ACW or FOC series?

The “Life” of St Botolph by Folcard, with epitomes and breviary readings, English and Latin – now online (BHL 1428, BHL 1429, BHL 1430, BHL 1431))

About 1070 AD, the abbot of Thorney Abbey in Cambridgeshire, a chap named Folcard of St Bertin, wrote an account of the life of St Botolph, one of the saints whose relics were venerated at the abbey.  St Botolph was a popular saint in England and also in Scandinavia.  There are still about 40 churches dedicated to St Botolph in England.  Botolph himself was an Anglo-Saxon, who introduced the Benedictine rule to England, and founded a monastery at Iken on the Suffolk coast.

No English translation of this “Life” has ever been published.  The printed text in the Acta Sanctorum is defective.  So for some months I have been creating a critical Latin text and a translation of it.  I’ve also included an abbreviated life that circulated, two other texts that Folcard wrote along with the Life about the saints of Thorney Abbey, and a  bunch of readings from breviaries – medieval service books – which included a commemoration of St Botolph.

It’s pretty much done, and so I am going to release it today.

I’ve also uploaded these to Archive.org, here.

As usual, the files are public domain.  Do whatever you like with them, personal, educational or commercial.

There is one loose end to the project: I have not been able to collate the York manuscript of the abbreviated life.  If this appears, I will upload a revised version.

How many letters of St Jerome remain untranslated into English?

In my last post, I gave a few notes on the letters of St. Jerome, which number 154 in the Hilberg edition in the Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum series, vols.54, 55 and 56.  It seems that complete translations exist into French and Spanish.  But in English, as we all know, many letters remain untranslated.

Well, it seems that this is not true.  A total of SEVEN letters remain untranslated.  Two of these (93 and 94) are short notes by other people in response to a synodical letter of Theophilus of Alexandria, translated into Latin by Jerome and included in his letters.  The others are letters 150-154.  150 is completely bogus, a letter of Procopius of Gaza, who lived a century later, to some other Hieronymus.  Hilberg didn’t bother to print this, although Migne did.  Letters 149-154 are tiny, and occupy together the last 10 pages of Hilberg.

To discover this, I compiled a list of the letters and their translations, in a spreadsheet.  It’s here:

Remarkable, really.  I had no idea that we were so close.  I will translate the rest myself!

Update (15 Dec 2025): I’ve added columns for Paul Carroll and Michael Graves. With thanks for info to Twitter poster @discerninganew.

Update (22 Dec 2025): I’ve added to the spreadsheet the translation of letter 148 by B.R. Rees.  With thanks to Rafael Rodrigues for raising the question.

Update (06 Jan 2026): I have now created a file with the Latin text and English translation of the remaining letters.  Here they are:

They can also be downloaded from Archive.org here.

As always these are public domain.  Do whatever you like with them, personal, educational or commercial.

I have also updated the spreadsheet.  I believe that we now have all the letters of Jerome in English.  The only uncertainty is that I have not checked myself that 149 does exist in *English* in the volume given, but am relying on a reference.  This I will investigate.