For sale: two slave girls. Slightly used.

In the Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius, in book 4, chapter 2, there is an interesting passage on the buying and selling of slaves.  Here it is:

2. On the difference between a disease and a defect, and the force of those terms in the aediles’ edict; also whether eunuchs and barren women can be returned, and the various views as to that question.

The edict of the curule aediles, in the section containing stipulations about the purchase of slaves, reads as follows: “See to it that the sale ticket of each slave be so written that it can be known exactly what disease or defect each one has, which one is a runaway or a vagabond, or is still under condemnation for some offence.”

Therefore the jurists of old raised the question of the proper meaning of a “diseased slave” and one that was “defective,” and to what degree a disease differed from a defect.  Caelius Sabinus, in the book which he wrote On the Edict of the Curule Aediles, quotes Labeo, as defining a disease in these terms: “Disease is an unnatural condition of any body, which impairs its usefulness.”  But he adds that disease affects sometimes the whole body and at other times a part of the body. That a disease of the whole body is, for example, consumption or fever, but of a part of the body anything like blindness or lameness.  “But,” he continues, “one who stutters or stammers is defective rather than diseased, and a horse which bites or kicks has faults rather than a disease. But one who has a disease is also at the same time defective. However, the converse is not also true; for one may have defects and yet not be diseased. Therefore in the case of a man who is diseased,” says he, “it will be just and fair to state to what extent ‘the price will be less on account of that defect.’ “

With regard to a eunuch in particular it has been inquired whether he would seem to have been sold contrary to the aediles’ edict, if the purchaser did not know that he was a eunuch.  They say that Labeo ruled that he could be returned as diseased; and that Labeo also wrote that if sows were sterile and had been sold, action could be brought on the basis of the edict of the aediles.  But in the case of a barren woman, if the barrenness were congenital they say that Trebatius gave a ruling opposed to that of Labeo.  For while Labeo thought that she could be returned as unsound, they quote Trebatius as declaring that no action could be taken on the basis of the edict, if the woman had been born barren. But if her health had failed, and in consequence such a defect had resulted that she could not conceive, in that case she appeared to be unsound and there was ground for returning her.

With regard to a short-sighted person too, one whom we call in Latin luscitiosus, there is disagreement; for some maintain that such a person should be returned in all cases, while others on the contrary hold that he can be returned only if that defect was the result of disease.

Servius indeed ruled that one who lacked a tooth could be returned, but Labeo said that such a defect was not sufficient ground for a return: “For,” says he, “many men lack some one tooth, and most of them are no more diseased on that account, and it would be altogether absurd to say that men are not born sound, because infants come into the world unprovided with teeth.”

I must not omit to say that this also is stated in the works of the early jurists, that the difference between a disease and a defect is that the latter is lasting, while the former comes and goes.  But if this be so, contrary to the opinion of Labeo, which I quoted above, neither a blind man nor a eunuch is diseased.

I have added a passage from the second book of Masurius Sabinus On Civil Law: “A madman or a mute, or one who has a broken or crippled limb, or any defect which impairs his usefulness, is diseased. But one who is by nature near-sighted is as sound as one who runs more slowly than others.”

The works referred to here are all lost, of course.

There is something rather humorous in all this, as if the buyer might complain to the local council that he had been swindled by a rogue trader.

The slaves of the Roman world had two sources.  The first sort of slave was one who had been abandoned as an infant by its parents, under the custom of “exposing” unwanted children.  The second sort was a prisoner taken in war.

The first sort could well be a Roman by birth, of good health and even of noble blood sometimes.  What sort of slave turned up in the second class would depend on the origin of the prisoner.  Cicero complains in one of his letters that slaves from Britain are not likely to be much good for anything except hard labour, and certainly not skilled in various professions like Greek slaves.  In another letter, written while after a battle in Asia Minor, he remarks that the prisoners are being sold as he writes and that there are so many thousand sesterces on the block.  Their fates are unknown.

It is worth remembering the casual inhumanity of the ancient world; an inhumanity that ceased to exist in the western world with the fall of the Roman empire, even though serfdom then arose.  The exploitation of the Africans was an abberation, driven by profit.  But the ancient world took slavery for granted, and the consequences thereof.

Probably in most western cities a woman or two will be raped most weekends.  In ancient cities thousands of women were degraded thus every night.  It was Constantine who prohibited this evil custom, although, like nearly all edicts of late emperors, we may presume that the edict was largely not put into effect.  But in that single comparison we may see one part of what Christ did for the world, even for those who did not know Him.

Postscript.  After writing that post, somewhat naively I sought to find an image online to illustrate “two slave-girls for sale”.   I will not trouble readers with any of the improbable images that I found.

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What did the Romans eat? – by N. S. Gill

The ancient history blog by N. S. Gill at About.com is in my RSS reader, so I see the posts there.  For some time I have noticed that the posts have begun to be very useful indeed, and, better yet, well-referenced!  That is such an improvement on the posts that I saw in former times.  It may be, if you have got into the habit of skipping the posts there, that you might wish to revisit the site.

Today’s post is What did the Romans eat?  If you can avoid the adverts embedded on all sides, it actually is a splendid piece of work.  It consists of a series of references to ancient food writers, with a summary of what they have to say, and even links to online versions of the text.  It positively shoves the reader at the data.  And this, of course, is what every classical blogger should seek to do; to breed in his readers the habit of asking to see the raw data for any statement  made.

The article is very short, of course — they all are.  The secondary reference at the end will be sound, I have no doubt.

Some of the authors referenced are not online.  Galen, inevitably, is not.  Apicius is online in Latin, but no link is given to an English version, although I find that the excellent Bill Thayer has tracked one down and placed it online here.  There is no facility to add comments to the post at About.com, or I would have linked it there too.

I don’t know that many of us would write an article on Roman food.  Well done, N.S.Gill, for doing so.

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From my diary

While turning out a drawer, I came across two old CD’s, containing photographs taken in Egypt a long time ago.  They were, indeed, Kodak PhotoCD’s.  The original photographs were on film, taken 20 years ago, and then I paid for them to be placed on disk.  The disk could be read on pretty much any CD player, so I never worried about them.  Indeed I thought of them as future-proof.

Until now.  For I find that the images are now obsolete.  Windows 7 doesn’t open the files.  Who’d have thought it?

I find that PaintShop Pro 6 — a very old version — will open them, but they don’t look at all right, but rather dull.

I’ve found software that purports to convert .pcd to .jpg — but I haven’t tried it.  There are, inevitably “settings” and the like, obscure to people like me and a drain on time we do not have.  I don’t want to learn about the internals — I just want my photos!

It’s a warning to us all.  Don’t leave things in old formats.  It may become harder than you think to access them!

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From my diary

It is summer here, and has been for some weeks.  Yes, I know it’s only the middle of May, but it is Saturday morning and there is a cloudless blue sky out there.

A couple of weeks ago it was so nice that I went out for a country walk, along I route I did more often a few years ago.  En route I saw plenty of blossom and new growth.  Here’s a snap from along the way.

Cherry blossom on the outskirts of Ipswich
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Stats on the blog

Something made me look at the WordPress statistics page on this blog.  It seems that in March the blog received 15,485 hits.  In April, however, I was more boring and only got 13,906.

I have no idea whether those stats are real, or good, or bad.  But the trend seems to be steadily upwards.  It seems slightly unlikely to me that 15,000 people interested in the ancient world came by during March, but if so, it testifies to the level of interest, if this very personal blog can attract those sorts of numbers. 

The classicist and patristicist can feel pretty isolated.  But the web makes a real difference.  We can all find out about each other, and share what we know.  We are, indeed, fortunate to live when we do.

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Speaking for others: Cicero and the people he put in his dialogues

I am always suspicious of generalities.  One generality that has bothered me for a while concerns the works of Cicero.

Some of these works, like the Tusculan Disputations, assemble a cast of Romans who engage in a debate.  These are usually important people, and are all deceased.  It is routinely said, without discussion, that this is a literary device; that Cicero is chosing players for the speeches he wants delivered.

Authors do such things, of course.  But how do we know that Cicero was doing this?  That this was a literary device known and practiced at that date?  Or is this merely someone’s speculation?

Yesterday I came across a portion of the Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius that provided something of an answer.  In book 17, chapter 5, of the Loeb translation by J. C. Rolfe (online at Perseus here) we find the following:

MARCUS CICERO, in the dialogue entitled Laelius, or On Friendship, wishes to teach us that friendship ought not to be cultivated in the hope and expectation of advantage, profit, or gain, but that it should be sought and cherished because in itself it is rich in virtue and honour, even though no aid and no advantage can be gained from it. This thought he has expressed in the following words, put into the mouth of Gaius Laelius, a wise man and a very [p. 217] dear friend of Publius Africanus “well, then, does Africanus need my help? No more do I need his. But I love him because of a certain admiration for his virtues; …”

As with all such things, we should check the Latin:

… hac sententia atque his verbis usus est eaque dicere facit C. Laelium, sapientem virum, qui Publii Africani fuerat amicissimus: …

I.e. “this idea … he made C. Laelius say, …”.  It does indeed say that Cicero was putting words into the mouths of his speakers.  Aulus Gellius, at least, recognises the idea.

But what were the parameters of this form of writing? 

People tend to talk loosely as if writing material supposedly by another was acceptable.  But it is unlikely that this is so, and if it is so, I should like to see the ancient writers who say so. 

Pompeius Trogus, indeed, in book 38 of his lost history said something on this subject, as Justinus shows in his epitome, in chapter 3:

He [Mithradates] then assembled his troops, and animated them, by various exhortations, to pursue the war with the Romans, or in Asia. His speech, on this occasion, I have thought of such importance that I insert a copy of it in this brief work. Trogus Pompeius has given it in the oblique form, as he finds fault with Livy and Sallust for having exceeded the proper limits of history, by inserting direct speeches in their works only to display their own eloquence.

This indicates that there were some very definite limits to writing under the names of others.  I wish I knew more about this.

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A note on “brinking” — how trolling is done in moderated forums

The internet jargon term “brinking” is one that seems to be falling out of use.  Never commonly used online, and often used with slightly different meanings, it is now scarcely heard.  

But the activity denoted by the word has not diminished, and indeed, if anything, has increased, especially on Wikipedia.  The loss of the word, indeed, is not a good sign.  Most people find it hard to identify things for which  they have no specific word. 

Brinking is a nastier form of trolling, and, like trolling, is intended to inflict pain on the victim.  It relies on the existence of moderation in a forum, and plays games with it in order to hurt others. 

A brinker is trying to bait his victim into a rage, while staying just within the rules himself, and then report his victim to the moderator and so get the victim reprimanded by the moderator.   

The usual technique is to posting material which on the face of it is bland or falls within the moderation policy but is actually very insulting to the person being brinked.  A successful brink, to the brinker, is when his enemy gets banned.  A very successful brink is when the brinker can get his victim to apologise for what the brinker made him do. 

I have always thought of the brinker as the most evil of posters.  A troll may be relatively harmless.  But a brinker means harm.  You can’t accidentally brink.  You have to be cold-blooded to do this.  It is, in online terms, the equivalent of murder, I think. 

I have said that this can only occur in a moderated forum.  In fact, this is not quite true.  Because most people — especially ordinary people, and especially Christians — have a moral code, a brinker can use this to get people to feel guilty for what he made them do.  He will post in such a manner as to give incredible offence while superficially being polite.  The victim responds in honest anger; and the brinker then coldly reads them a sermon on politeness.  The aim is the same.  

The latter tactic I have seen employed a number of times online by homosexuals (and only them).  In each case, in a discussion about Christianity, an anti-Christian poster declared suddenly and irrelevantly that he was homosexual.  In this case the mention of homosexuality is bait.  Homosexuality is not under discussion in the thread.

Most of us find such a vice rather disgusting, and the parading of it discourteous as well.  Most of us, faced with it, will be polite but express our dislike.  Caught unawares by the switch of topic, most of us will say something.  But the brinker knows what he is doing.  While he is waiting for the response which he has set up to occur — it doesn’t matter if the response is actually mild and reasonable –, the brinker prepares the most vicious personal attack he can manage on his victim as “rude” and “bigoted”.  It seems to be a stock response, almost indifferent to what precisely the reply was, with a declaration “I’m not talking to scum like you”, in fact, which has led me to wonder once or twice whether there is some group working from a script here!  Once the reply is received, the attack is launched, and the discussion terminated.  An ordinary person, shocked at the violence, will wonder if he in fact said something wrong.  

This is, in fact, a form of  brinking.  As with all brinking, the intention is to inflict pain and shut out the victim, in this case as part of a campaigning agenda.  I have only once seen this form of brinking used by anyone outside of the gay rights bunch.

Because the term “brinking” is going out of use, I’ve spent a little while this evening attempting to track down whatever remains online about this.  One 2005 post suggests (the term is already going out of use): 

Brinking is when one establishes the boundaries of the target forum and then posts always on the verge of crossing those boundaries. 

In this case, the victim of the “brink” is the moderator.  Another describes part of the process: 

Neo-flaming: Another form of flaming where upon the user flames or insults the other member, but usually disguises it to make it not look like a flame, insult or baiting. 

A longer definition, again where the moderator is the intended victim, in a collection of various unpleasing tricks, is here:

Some users find sport in seeing how close they can get to being thrown off a message board. The system administrator will often have a set of rules (typically known as the “Terms of Service”) which specify how people should conduct themselves. One type of poster, which I call a “brinker”, attempts to get as near to the edge as he or she possibly can without actually going over.

Unlike the troll, who directs his or her efforts at the users of a system, the brinker is actually toying with the system administrator. He or she can be a thorn in the side of the administrator, holding the good name and popularity of the system at stake. Most administrators hesitate to throw people off the system unless they have broken an explicit rule. The brinker enjoys using words (or, occasionally, computer hacking) to exploit “grey areas” and thus wreak havoc.

Brinkers, like trolls, elevate their hobby to an art form (albeit an unpleasant one). They can be so subtle that the administrator may not be sure that he or she is being brinked. For example, on a message board I once ran I explained to the users about “flamebait”. Within a week, one of them had started up a flamebait topic. I was tempted to close it down before it devolved into the usual bickering, but that may have made me look dictatorial. So was the creation of the topic a dig at me, or was I being paranoid? Assessing that user’s past actions, I concluded that I’d been brinked.

If an administrator runs an informal board, it may be counterproductive to explicitly list all the rules. I have sometimes been “taken to court” (so to speak) by users when I kicked somebody off a message board, and had my own rules used to “prove” that my action was not justified. Most message board administrators, if they do have a list of rules, include a statement that they may block any user “at our discretion”. In other words, they can banish somebody without stating a specific reason. This still irritates people, but at least the administrator is covered by his or her own rules. 

Another old definition: 

“BRINKING – Testing rules by getting as close as possible to breaking them without stepping over the line. A technique frequently used by trolls to stir up trouble in a discussion.” 

When challenged, of course, the brinker shouts “I’m within the rules!” 

Typically, however, brinkers are never caught.  It is well, therefore, to be aware of the practice.

While searching for information, I found these wise words about trolling:

“An Internet “troll” is a person who delights in sowing discord on the Internet. He (and it is usually he) tries to start arguments and upset people.

Trolls see Internet communications services as convenient venues for their bizarre game. For some reason, they don’t “get” that they are hurting real people. To them, other Internet users are not quite human but are a kind of digital abstraction. As a result, they feel no sorrow whatsoever for the pain they inflict. Indeed, the greater the suffering they cause, the greater their ‘achievement’ (as they see it). At the moment, the relative anonymity of the net allows trolls to flourish.”

This too was from 2005; but these days, few people in wikipedia or online forums post other than anonymously.

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An intelligent question about Mithras

I found this in a headbanger forum, in an otherwise foolish post about Mithras:

How many gods do you know who were born wearing a hat and packing a shiv?

Good question.

Mithras: child of rock

(The monument is CIMRM 353, reproduced as figure 100 in that corpus).

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Casaubon and the exposure of the Hermetic corpus

Today I learned from a post by Jim Davila that Isaac Casaubon, the celebrated 17th century philologist, determined that the works transmitted from antiquity under the name of Hermes Trismegistus were not the ancient items that they professed, but rather belonged to the Hellenistic era.  I knew that the “Hermetic corpus” was bogus, but not why.  This has led me to investigate.

Rather pleasingly, I find online here a PDF of an article by the ever-readable Anthony Grafton: Protestant versus Prophet: Isaac Casaubon on Hermes Trismegistus, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 46 (1983), pp. 78-93.  I was interested, indeed, to learn from a footnote that the best work on Casaubon’s life and thought remains that of Mark Pattison, the Dean of Oriel in the 19th century, whom we meet as a character in the essays of Augustine Birrell, and whose curious and rather sad life is given in Tuckwell’s gossipy Reminiscences of Oxford.

Grafton’s discussion of how Casaubon went about examining the text, and how he saw, as he read it, that it used language quite different from that of the real archaic Greeks, and terminology more like that of Dionysius the Areopagite, is well worth a read and I will not spoil the story.

One paragraph did catch my eye, tho.  At one point, the text pretends that it was originally written in Egyptian, in a manner that makes plain that this is merely for effect.  Casaubon commented on this, and Grafton summarises:

Here the Corpus Hermeticum was firmly set into its real context, as part of the pullulating mass of pseudo-ancient, pseudo-Eastern literature that does such discredit to the minds of its Hellenistic Greek authors and readers. No one has since managed to remove it from that unpleasant position.

We think at once of the Greek Zoroaster literature; but likewise of Greek magical papyri, gnostic texts, alchemical texts, and indeed cults like the Roman cult of Mithras, unconnected with Zoroastrianism but quite happy to use the Greek names “Mithras” and “Areimanios” (which had meant the Zoroastrian figures Mithra and Ahriman) and attach them to freshly made up non-dualist stories of their own imagination.  Indeed I think we may confidently say that if the author of the cult had called his deity “Ostanes” rather than “Mithras”, then no-one would have associated his cult with Persian Mitra at all.  Such is the power of borrowed names.

The problems with Hermes had been apparent before Casaubon, of course.

Indeed, even in late antiquity some readers evidently found it hard to believe that the Hermetica were genuine translations from the Egyptian. Jamblichus wrote defensively in De mysteriis VIII. 4 that ‘The works that circulate under the name of Hermes contain Hermetic views, even if they often use the language of the philosophers; for they were translated from the Egyptian language by men who had some knowledge of philosophy’.

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Notes on the works of the alchemist Zosimus of Panopolis

Quite by chance, I came across a PhD thesis online from 2006,1 which contained a rather interesting discussion of the sources for the ancient alchemical writer, Zosimus of Panopolis.  A few notes from this may be of general interest.

Alchemy is usually defined as the attempt to transmute base metals into gold, and the methods adopted led into the creation of modern Chemistry.  It seems to have originated in Graeco-Egyptian circles around the time of Christ, among metallurgists and dyers and jewellers and artisans whose crafts involved colouring things like metal and gemstones.  The texts are in Greek.  Leyden papyrus X and the Stockolm papyrus, from the Theban hoard of Greek magical texts found by Jean d’Anastasi before the 1820’s, are 3rd century and among the earliest examples.  The techniques go back much further; but what is distinctive is the pagan religious element, including Jewish and gnostic material.

The religious language and imagery is very much a part of alchemy as a discipline.  The modern science of chemistry became definitely a separate entity during the 18th century, and consequently whatever survives of alchemy today forms part of occult literature.  With this we are not, of course, concerned.

Zosimus wrote ca. 270 AD, and was perhaps the most important of the Greek alchemists.  Collections of Greek alchemical works are preserved in Greek, Syriac, Arabic and Latin.  The Greek manuscripts, dated to the 10-15th century, contain some 109 pages of Zosimus, and form the largest portion of his work.  The manuscripts are:

  • Venice, Marcianus graecus 299 (tenth or eleventh century),
  • Parisinus graecus 2325 (thirteenth century)
  • Parisinus graecus 2327 (fifteenth century)
  • Florence, Laurentianus graecus 86, 16 (fifteenth century).

This material was translated by Berthelot and Ruelle in 1888 as the Collection des Alchimistes Grecs, which I found at Archive.org here (vol. 1) and here (vols.2 and 3).

In the late 1980’s Michèle Mertens undertook the project of sorting out Zosimus’s writings in these Greek manuscripts. These she catalogued in four groups, from Greek, Syriac, Arabic and Latin manuscripts:2

  • Authentic Memoirs
  • Chapters to Eusebia
  • Chapters to Theodorus
  • Book of Sophe and Final Account

Some 64 pages of Zosimus are extant in three Syriac manuscripts of the 15-16th century:

  • Cambridge University Library Mm 6.29 (fifteenth century)
  • British Library, Egerton 709 (fifteenth century)
  • British Library, Oriental 1593 (fifteenth or sixteenth century).

These were collected by Berthelot, translated into French by R. Duval, and published in 1893 in a three volume series entitled La Chimie au Moyen Age.  The Syriac material is different from that in Greek, and contains material now extant in Greek only in abbreviated form.

The Arabic and Latin manuscripts only contain a few pages of his work.  But the Arabic mss., which date from the 13-15th century, do contain a list of all his works, most of which are now lost.  The Latin mss. contain extracts from the Chapters to Eusebia which are also found in Greek.

Sadly I  fear that all this literature is quite dull!

1. Shannon L. Grimes, Zosimus of Panopolis: Alchemy, Nature and Religion in Late Antiquity, Diss. Syracuse University 2006.
2. Michèle Mertens, Zosime de Panopolis: Mémoires authentiques, Les Alchimistes Grecs, Tome IV, 1re partie (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1995), xii-cxii.

 

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