Q. Haterius and the “duty” of a freedman

The elder Seneca compiled ten books of controversiae: possible legal cases, with the arguments for and against.  Each came with a preface.  I quoted a phrase from one a little while ago, attributed to Haterius, an orator of the time of Tiberius:

impudicitia in ingenuo crimen est, in servo necessitas, in liberto officium.

Unchastity is a disgrace for the freeborn, a necessity in a slave, and a duty for the freedman.

It’s a  very odd phrase, and it does reflect something nasty about pagan society.  But I have seen too many quotations, which turn out to be misleading, to be comfortable without knowing the context.

I’ve since obtained the Loeb edition of the works of the elder Seneca.  This mentions various orators, and one of these is Haterius.  The material is in the preface to book 4, sections 8-11 (the end).  Here it is:

How great these men are, who do not know what it means to yield to fortune and who make adversity the touchstone of their virtue! Asinius Pollio declaimed within three days of losing his son; that was the manifesto of a great mind triumphing over its misfortunes. On the other hand, I know that Quintus Haterius took the death of his son so hard that he not only succumbed to grief when it was recent, but could not bear the memory of it when it was old and faded. I remember that when he was declaiming the controversia about the man who was torn away from the graves of his three sons and sues for damages, Haterius’ tears interrupted him in midspeech; after that he spoke with so much greater force, so much more pathos, that it became clear how great a part grief can sometimes play in a man’s talents.

Haterius used to let the public in to hear him declaim extempore. Alone of all the Romans I have known he brought to Latin the skill of the Greeks. His speed of delivery was such as to become a fault. Hence that was a good remark of Augustus’: “Haterius needs a brake” — he seemed to charge downhill rather than run. He was full of ideas as well as words. He would say the same thing as often as you liked and for as long as you liked, with different figures and development on every occasion. He could be controlled–but not exhausted.

But he couldn’t do his own controlling. He had a freedman to look to, and used to proceed according as he excited or restrained him. The freedman would tell him to make a transition when he had been on some topic for a long time–and Haterius would make the transition. He would tell him to concentrate on the same subject–and he would stay on it. He would tell him to speak the epilogue–and he would speak it. He had his talents under his own control–but the degree of their application he left to another’s.

He thought it relevant to divide up a controversia — if you questioned him; if you listened to his declamation, he didn’t think so. His order was the one his flow of language dictated; he did not regulate himself by the rules of declamation. Nor did he keep a guard over his words. Some the schools avoid nowadays as if they were obscene, regarding as intolerable anything rather low or in everyday use. Haterius bowed to the schoolmen so far as to avoid cliche and banality. But he would employ old words that Cicero had used but that had later fallen into general disuse, and these caught the attention even in that break-neck rush of language. How true it is that the unusual stands out even in a crowd!

With this exception, no-one was better adapted to the schoolmen or more like them; but in his anxiety to say nothing that was not elegant and brilliant, he often fell into expressions that could not escape derision. I recall that he said, while defending a freedman who was charged with being his patron’s lover: “Losing one’s virtue is a crime in the freeborn, a necessity in a slave, a duty for the freedman.” The idea became a handle for jokes, like “you aren’t doing your duty by me” and “he gets in a lot of duty for him.” As a result the unchaste and obscene got called “dutiful” for some while afterwards.

I recall that much scope for jest was supplied to Asinius Pollio and then to Cassius Severus by an objection raised by him in these terms: “Yet, he says, in the childish laps of your fellow-pupils, you used a lascivious hand to give obscene instructions.” And many things of this sort were brought up against him. There was much you could reprove–but much to admire; he was like a torrent that is impressive, but muddy in its flow. But he made up for his faults by his virtues, and provided more to praise than to forgive: as in the declamation in which he burst into tears.

What a picture this gives us of Haterius!  What a splendid translation by Michael Winterbottom!  But to return to the quotation.

As ever, context is all.  The word rendered “duty” here is officium, which carried a world of solemnity and piety in the Roman mind.   Haterius, like many a politician, had a gift for a striking phrase.  But in defending his client, accused of vice, when he attempted to suggest that sodomy — a vice, if a common one — was almost a pious duty for a freedman, he mis-spoke.  In carrying his rhetoric on the duties of a freedman to the very height of duty, he tripped over and became absurd, and consequently produced snickers of laughter, and the consequent jokes.

For the Romans, as for everyone, vice was vice.  Society might tolerate it, it might be practised by emperors.  But everyone knew it for what it was, and laughed at those who solemnly attempted to colour it with piety for their own, short-term, threadbare ends.

The Controversiae seem to be an interesting work, full of the colour of Roman life.  The only English translation is that of Michael Winterbottom in the Loeb series, in two volumes.  I’d like to read them, but to borrow them from my local library will cost $15, half the price of the books.  Not that I would object to buying a Loeb.  But at $30 each, aren’t these little books expensive!

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The exegesis of Polychronius

It looks as if the Lord is going to answer my prayer for another contract rather sooner than I had expected.  If so, I shall  have money once more, and one of the items on the slate for translation is the remains of the commentary on Daniel by Polychronius.

“Who he?” I hear you cry.  Andrew Eastbourne has drawn my attention to a review in the 1880 Dublin Review, 3rd series, volume 3, p.535-6 of a book by old Bardenhewer on just this author.  The review is short and so I post it here.

Polychronius, Bruder Theodor’s von Mopsuestia und Bischof von Apamea. Ein Beitrag eur Geschichte der Exegese. Von Dr. Otto Bardenhewer. Freiburg. 1879. (Polychronius, brother of Theodore of Mopsuestia, and Bishop of Apamea. A Study on the History of Exegesis. By Dr. Otto Bardenhewer. Friburg. 1879.)

DR. BARDENHEWER, a young professor of the University of Munich, draws attention to one of the greatest ornaments of the school of Antioch. His book contains an account of the life and works of Polychronius, his views on canon and inspiration, and his hermeneutic principles, to which is added a translation and explanation of some portions of his commentaries.

Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrus,[1] praises Polychronius as a successful ruler of his diocese of Apamea, and as a man of graceful eloquence and virtuous life. This is about all that is known of his life with any degree of certainty. According to Cardinal Mai,[2] Polychronius seems to have written commentaries on almost the whole of the Old Testament. There are, however, only fragments of them preserved, and these chiefly belong to his commentaries on Job, Daniel, and Ezechiel.

Polychronius (says Dr. Bardenhewer, p. 5) has happily avoided the extravagances of his brother Theodore, though not quite all his faults. In real exegetical accuracy and conscientiousness he has surpassed all Antiochean interpreters; in knowledge of history and languages not one amongst them wasjequal to him, nor has any one entered with such love and keen understanding into the depth of the Biblical text, nor made such correct allowances for actual circumstances.

Of all his works, the best preserved are his very valuable scholia on the book of Daniel (published by Mai, l. c. P. ii. pp. 105-160). It is strange that he, like S. Ephrem, explains Daniel’s prophecy of the four empires to mean, besides the Babylonian, Median, and Persian, the Macedonian (and not the Roman) empire. But he believed in the canonicity of all the deutero-canonical pieces of Daniel, perhaps with the exception of the Hymn of the Three Children in the fiery furnace. Bardenhewer gives us (pp. 63-65) some arguments for his opinion that Polychronius really denied the canonicity of Dan. iii. 25-90, Vulg. They rest on the passage : ” This hymn is not found in the Hebrew and Syriac text. It is said to have been afterwards added by some one, and founded upon what is narrated in the book. I shall, therefore, abstain from explaining this part, in order to keep exclusively to the interpretation of the book.” Granted, that Polychronius has written these words; but they only mention the doubts of others as a reason why Polychronius did not interpret the hymn.

It is clear from Dr. Bardenhewer’s book that Polychronius is worthy of the greatest consideration. Dr. Bardenhewer is well able to appreciate him, and shows a well-trained judgment in handling critical questions, and a great taste for patristic and exegetical studies.

May the author continue to encourage, and to facilitate the study of the Fathers, and the interpretation of the Scriptures, by works similar to the one mentioned here.

1 Eccl Hist., v. 40. 
2 Scriptorum veterum nova collectio. Tom. I. Romae, 1825, praef. p. xxxl.

I must say that I hope we manage to go ahead with this.  It seems clear that Polychronius has interesting things to tell us!

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From my diary

Busy today with Adam’s curse, so I haven’t managed to get to posting about the Controversiae of the elder Seneca.  But I will!

Another correspondent asked if I knew where all the volumes of the Oxford Movement Library of the Fathers translations might be found.  I’ve been looking for them and downloading them.

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More on Eusebius on the Psalms

Alex Poulos is starting to translate portions of the commentary of Eusebius on the Psalms.  Catch the English and the Greek here.

Alex modestly deprecates his work, but frankly everyone seems scared to translate stuff from this huge work.  So whatever he does, however he does it, he’s a pioneer in an unexplored land.  Well done!

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Sir Henry Savile and the perils of editing Chrysostom

The best edition of the works of John Chrysostom (including sermons by Severian of Gabala) remains that made by Sir Henry Savile in the 17th century and published at Eton college where Sir Henry was provost.

On Monday I went into the second-hand bookshop Treasure Chest in Felixstowe in search of something literary to read, and came out with an edition of John Aubrey’s Brief Lives.  This is not a book, so much as a collection of gossip and memoranda in preparation for a book, and contains a section on Sir Henry Savile.

He was very munificent, as appears by the two chairs he had endowed of Astronomy and Geometry. … He had travelled very well, and had a general acquaintance with the learned men abroad; by which means he obtained from beyond sea, out of their libraries, several rare Greek MSS., which he had copied by an excellent amanuensis for the Greek character.

Someone put a trick upon him, for he got a friend to send him weekly over to Flanders (I think), the sheets of the curious Chrysostom that were printed at Eton, and translated them into Latin, and printed them in Greek and Latin together, which quite spoiled the sale of Sir Henry’s.

It would be interesting to know which the pirate edition was.  Savile’s edition was printed without a Latin translation.  Because of this, Migne printed the Montfaucon edition instead, and the Savile edition has remained relatively unknown.

UPDATE: A correspondent writes:

On Savile & the “pirate edition” (of Fronto Ducaeus): The Critical Review, 4th series, vol. 2, pp. 92ff. http://books.google.com/books?id=9BMFAAAAYAAJ

The review is a little odd; the Montfaucon edition is said to be inferior to the Savile one by Quasten.  But all very useful!

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Digging in Pepuza

William Tabbernee and Peter Lampe successfully identified the site of ancient Pepuza a few years ago, and published their findings as Pepouza and Tymion: The Discovery and Archaeological Exploration of a Lost Ancient City and an Imperial Estate. De Gruyter, 2008.  I’ve been reading this volume this evening.

The book is unusual in that the text appears in parallel columns in English and German, followed by a Turkish text.  I think I approve of this.  Is there any pressing reason, when a team is multi-lingual, not to do this?  Paper is cheap enough, after all.  It certainly broadens the possible appeal of a text.

But in other respects the book is very disappointing.  It seems as if they were unable to do any serious archaeology.  The possible basilica in the centre of the city — the possible catacomb under it, choked with ancient demolition rubble and perhaps the site of Montanus’ grave — all this was not excavated.  There are repeated references to permission to do this, to do that.  In the end it seems as if they could only investigate the site of the Byzantine cave monastery.  It’s a disappointing tale, in short, and I’m not sure that this is the fault of Tabbernee and Lampe.

Cynic that I am, I can’t help wondering whether, as soon as they left, excavations commenced, undertaken by the local villagers, in search of the treasure the silly foreigners must have been looking for.   Let’s hope not.  But … the last work recorded was in 2004.  That’s a fair few years ago.

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The end of Montanism

The author of the 8th century Syriac Chronicle of ps.Dionysius of Tel-Mahre is preserved in a single copy written ca. 903 AD.  This was preserved in the monastery of Deir al-Suryani in the Nitrian desert, but brought to the Vatican in 1715, where it is Ms. Vaticanus Syr. 162, 173ff. Some missing leaves were retrieved by Henry Tattam in 1840, and are now British Library Additional 14665.  

The Chronicle is very valuable because its unknown author made use of the Ecclesiastical History of the 6th century bishop John of Ephesus.  A large chunk of the latter still survives, but most does not.  Ps.Dionysius had access to the whole work, and quotes from it word-for-word.

The year 861 [=549-50 AD] … At this time the destructive heresy of Montanus was put to shame and uprooted.  We [=John] have written the story of how it sprang up in the (section about) apostolic times.  Now however at the incitement of John bishop of Asia the bones of Montanus were found, who used to say of himself that he was the Spirit Paraclete, and (the bones) of Kratis, Maximilla and Priscilla, his prophetesses.  (John) burned them with fire and pulled their temples down to the foundations.1

The events must have taken place at Pepuza in Phyrgia, where the cult was centred.  

We have no other 6th century accounts of this event.  But as often happens, early documents were embedded in later Syriac sources.  In this case Michael the Syrian, in the 12th century, gives us more information because he has access to other sources than just John.

In the land of Phyrgia there is a place called Pepuza, where the Montanists had a bishop and some clergy.  They called it Jerusalem, and there they killed the Christians.  John of Asia went there and burned their synagogue, on the orders of the emperor.  In this house there was found a great reliquary [=γλωσσόκομον] of marble sealed with lead and bound with iron fittings.  On it was written, “Of Montanus and his women.”  It was opened and in it were found Montanus and his two women, Maximilla and Priscilla, which had golden leaves over their mouths.  They were covered with confusion by seeing the fetid bones which they called “the Spirit”.  They were told, “Have you no shame to allow yourselves to be seduced by this rascal, and to call him the ‘Spirit’?  A spirit has neither flesh nor bones.”  And the bones were burned.   The Montanists were heard wailing and crying.  “Now,” they said, “the world is ruined and will perish.”  Their shameful books were also found and burned.  The house was purified, and became a church.

Previously in the days of Justinian I [=Justin], some people had informed the emperor that Montanus, at the time of his death, had ordered those responsible for his funeral to bury him fifty cubits under the earth, “because,” he said, “the fire must reveal me and devour all the face of the earth.”  His followers, by the pernicious operation of demons, put it about falsely that his bones were exorcising demons.  They bribed a few individuals who, for bread to eat, claimed that he had healed them.  — The emperor wrote to the bishop of that place.  He dug deep and removed the bones of Montanus and his women to burn them.  Then the Montanists came to find the bishop by night and gave him five hundred darics of gold.  They carried off the bones and brought others.  And in the morning, without anyone realising the mystery, the bishop burned these bones as being those of Montanus and Crites (?) his associate.  But then the Archdeacon denounced the Bishop, who was sent into exile.

Apollos, the companion of Paul, wrote that Montanus was the son of Simon Magus, that when his father died, by the prayer of Peter, he fled Rome and began to trouble the world.  Then Apollos, (led) by the Spirit, went to where he was and saw him sitting and preaching error.  He began to curse him, saying, “Enemy of God, the Lord will punish you!”  Montanus began to rebuke him and said, “What difference is there between you and I, Apollos?  If you prophesy, I do also; if you are an apostle, I am too; if you heal, I do too.”  Apollos said to him, “Let your mouth be closed, in the name of the Lord.”  He immediately stopped and was never again able to speak.  The people believed in our Lord, and received baptism.  They overthrew the seat of Montanus, who fled and escaped.  — This story is finished, just like the other.

Some interesting material there, evidently from at least three different sources.  The first paragraph must derive from some 6th century account, more detailed than that of John of Ephesus; or perhaps from a fuller text than ps.Dionysius had.

The second is still more interesting.  Is it possible that some of the Montanists, after the event, put about a rumour that the bones burned were not those of Montanus, in order that their cult might continue?  It’s not easy to imagine another source for this story, where the clergy are depicted as venal state hirelings.

The third moves into the realm of folk-tale.  Clearly the author had no idea when Montanus lived — although it sounds from ps.Dionysius if this was already rather murky in the 6th century — and we seem to have some sort of material from a hagiographic text about Apollos.  Perhaps Michael has simply assembled whatever he had about Montanus, regardless of consistency.

1. Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre: Chronicle.  Translated … by Witold Witakowski.  Liverpool University Press, 1996,  p.112 (the end of p.125 of the Syriac text)
2. Michael the Syrian, Chronicle. Translated into French by J.B.Chabot.  Book 9, chapter 33, in Volume 2, p. 269 of Chabot’s publication (on Archive.org).

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From my diary

My last contract finished on Friday, so I’m at home and looking for another.  It’s also a good opportunity to catch up on outstanding projects.

I got hold of a copy of Vermaseren’s excavation report for the Mithraeum under the church of Santa Prisca in Rome.  I’m trying to make a PDF of this for private use, because I only have it for a fortnight.  Sadly it’s so heavy that scanning it is pretty difficult!  Also it’s so hot and humid that the urge to do much tends to evapourate.  And I keep feeling the urge to paint walls! 

I hope to go to Norwich and visit the cathedral library.  I think they have a copy of the editio princeps of Cyril of Alexandria’s Contra Iulianum.  I need to research which edition to use, because one day I still want to get a translation made of it.

 

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The dialogue of a Montanist with an Orthodox

In my last post, I mentioned the existence of this mysterious Dialogue of a Montanist with an Orthodox (Dialogus Montanistae et Orthodoxi).  Thanks to Jesus de Prado, I’ve been able to access the text. 

As far as I can tell, no English translation exists.  But I find that the Dialog was edited with an Italian translation by Anna Maria Berruto Martone, Dialogo di un montanista con un ortodosso, Biblioteca patristica 34, EDB, Bologna 1999.  Interestingly no copy seems to be listed in COPAC, but then Italian editions are generally poorly represented in UK libraries.  Fortunately a copy is available on the web and I have ordered one.

The text was first edited by G. Ficker as Widerlegung eines Montanisten in ZKG 26 (1905), p.447-63.  This is online.  The Greek text fills some eight pages, which isn’t a lot.  I find that the text is also known as the Dialexis Montanistae et Orthodoxi.  It’s CPG 2572, I believe.

There seems to be a French edition and translation: Pierre de Labriolle, DIDYME L’AVEUGLE, “Dialexis Montanistae et orthodoxi” (introduction, traduction française et notes), although I can find no more details of it than that.  Is it possible that it formed part of his Les sources de l’histoire du Montanisme (1913)?   Hum.

So… more searching to do!

UPDATE: I had second thoughts and cancelled the order for the Italian edition.  I can’t believe that no translation exists of this already.

UPDATE: And I was right to be cautious.  It looks as if it exists in English in Heine, The Montanist Oracles, 1989, text from Ficker, plus English translation pp.112-27.  See the preview here.

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Filing cabinets full of my own past

It’s odd how the weather determines what you work on.  Because it has been hot, I’m using my laptop downstairs, where I have a mobile air-con unit.  Upstairs was so hot yesterday, that after sitting at my desk at the laptop for ten minutes I could feel the sweat pouring off.  So I brought the laptop downstairs, and started downloading the images of the 10th century manuscript of the Iliad.

Because that is big, it is still going on — 1.5Gb so far, after 18 hours.  Because it is going on, I’m still using my laptop downstairs.  Actually it is cooler today because of cloud cover, but the thermometer still says 27.1C outside.  I’ve even gone and bought another mobile air-con unit to keep upstairs.  You can’t use that for six hours after delivery, tho, so I’m still downstairs. 

So … what can I do?  I don’t feel like working on any of the in-progress translations.  I need to get the translation of Severian of Gabala’s first sermon on Genesis done and online, but somehow I don’t feel like it.  Too hot, too humid, even though it is 23.4C in here. 

I find myself pulling out a Fujitsu Scansnap S300 scanner.  Like many people I have piles of photocopied articles around.  I want these in PDF form.  I started last year, but haven’t done any more since.  Because I’m downstairs, I look in the filing cabinet there.  I decide to start at the back.  And …

I find three articles by William Tabbernee, the Montanism expert.  I got them because Montanism is interesting, and also because it related to the Tertullian work I was doing at the time.  The staples are slightly rusty — but then I probably last looked at these more than ten years ago!  I run them through the scanner and let Adobe Acrobat do the OCR. 

Then I start in on photocopies of pages from Altaner’s Patrology.  I love patrologies.  Indeed I keep meaning to buy a copy of Altaner, for bedtime reading; but I will hardly look at these photocopies unless they are in PDF.  Then there’s C.H.Roberts 1936 original publication of P52, the fragment of John’s gospel from 125 AD.

Meanwhile a memory nags.  Wasn’t there some untranslated dialogue featuring Montanists that I was always interested in?  I look through the Tabbernee articles.  And … I find reference to a Dialogue between a Montanist and an Orthodox, edited by G. Ficker as Widerlegung eines Montanisten in ZKG 26 (1905), p.447-63.

Has anyone translated this?  Is it interesting?  Is ZKG 26 online?  Well, I may look into this!

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