From my diary

I am still at home, ill with what I assume to be a flu virus or something.  It seems interminable.  But you could fry eggs on my forehead.

I’ve just found a bunch of comments that WordPress unaccountably marked as spam.  I’ve now approved them.  My apologies for this.

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The codex Aesinas of the minor works of Tacitus now online (?)

A correspondent advised me some time ago that the Codex Aesinas – the Iesi codex -, our sole remaining manuscript of the minor works of Tacitus, is now online in high-resolution images.

This is marvellous news, obviously.  The link is here:

https://iiif.lib.harvard.edu/manifests/view/drs:425333309$1i

But … just at the moment the viewer did not seem to be working for me, I should add, either in IE or Chrome.  The viewer has a facility to send you a PDF of the pages.  I’m not sure if this is working either, although I have tried.

If anyone can get this to work, please let me know in the comments.

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Severian of Gabala news: critical editions from GCS, plus an online bibliography

An Australian scholar who sometimes comments here writes with some interesting news about Severian of Gabala studies:

… the GCS people announced last year that they are going to put out critical editions of Severian’s works.  This will take years of course, but it’s only the Germans who commit themselves to such long-term projects these days.

The series was announced at the Severian conference in Belgium  last year. GCS will edit Severian’s works as part of the series (projected completion 2032). Cordelia Bandt  from Berlin talked about it at the Leuven conference.

CCSG is also planning to publish the Osterhuis den Otten edition of the 4 Job homilies (homilies 2-4 are by Severian)  and the 6 homilies on Genesis, the Greek manuscript tradition of which is currently being edited by Sarah Van Pee at KULeuven.  … am about to write to her so I will see where she is at and if she is including the 7th which Hill also translated…

The nearest I found of an official mention on their website  http://www.bbaw.de/en/research/bibelexegese/synopsis

She also mentions:

My latest Severian bibliography, plus list of critical editions of authentic works (excluding fragments) is here:

https://www.academia.edu/24411415/Severian_of_Gabala_Bibliography_and_Editions

I am missing a few entries in the biblio (e.g. a couple of forthcoming articles by Sarah van Pee, who is also editing Severian’s Genesis homilies) but it’s a living document anyway.

I think I have an inconsistency with the Armenian homilies – e.g. have not properly accounted for CPG 4245 – I am chasing that up and will correct in the next version.

Thank you, Kathie!

I notice that a search on Severian of Gabala on Academia.edu produces quite a harvest of articles, several by Sergey Kim.  Well worth visiting.

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John of Ephesus describes the Justinianic plague

John of Ephesus was a monophysite bishop who worked for Justinian and was instrumental in destroying the Montanist holy places at Pepuza, including the grave of Montanus.  He wrote a Chronicle, much of which is lost.  But he was also an eye-witness of the outbreak of plague, known as the Justinianic plague, which affected the Eastern empire.  He wrote an account of it, which he then incorporated into Part 2 of his Chronicle.  This is the longest account of the plague known to us.

Sadly Part 2 is lost, but it is quoted extensively in Syriac by Pseudo-Dionysius of Tell-Mahre, and the opening portion of John’s account, which Ps.-Dionysius accidentally omitted, appears in Michael the Syrian.

I’ve turned Chabot’s French translation of the opening section into English (vol. 2, p.235-238, column 1),[1] and, as few will have access to it, followed it by the translation of Witold Witakowski, “Pseudo-Dionysius of Tel-Mahre, Chronicle…”, Liverpool University Press, 1996, p.74-98.  (Other fragments were edited by Land in his Anecdota Syriaca, vol. 2, but these I have not looked at).  The translation of Witakowski is very cheap, and really should be on everyone’s shelves.

Let’s start with Michael the Syrian.  This is undoubtedly abbreviated from the lengthier account of John of Ephesus (whom he calls John of Asia), but probably in a good way.  John seems prone to religious musings, of no especial value.

    *    *    *    *

In the book of John of Asia, he speaks amply of the great plague which occurred in the year 855, which is the year 16 of Justinian, a (plague) unequaled since the beginning of the world. The whole world was struck by this cruel scourge. It began at first among the peoples inland of the countries of the south-east of India, that is, of Kush, Himyarites, and others; then to the regions of the West, which are called “upper”, the peoples of the Romans, the Italians, the Gauls, and the Spanish.  It was learned that men became enraged, like dogs, became mad, attacked one another, went into the mountains and committed suicide. These things were only considered as like signs of evil omen, but the scourge progressed, and reached the lands of Kush, on the confines of Egypt, and from there it spread to Egypt itself.  Like the two edges of the reaper, it successively passed across the earth, and progressed without stopping.  When the greater part of the people had perished, to the extent that Egypt was deprived of its inhabitants, ruined and deserted, it fell upon Alexandria, and consumed a multitude of people. Those who escaped a quick death were struck with a terrible disease: that of tumours of the groin; some on one side, others on both sides. The groin swelled, swelled again, filled with water, and then there were great and deep ulcers, which leaked blood, pus, and water, night and day. By this plague the scourge fell upon them, by which they were promptly removed.

The mercy of God showed itself everywhere towards the poor, for they died first: on the one hand, in order to make the zeal of the inhabitants of the cities appear, and to procure spiritual advantages for them, by the burial of the poor; on the other hand, because if the calamity had confounded them with the others, how could their putrefying corpses and their bare bones have been removed from the middle of the public places, since there was no one left to do this? So they died first, while everyone was still healthy enough to take them away, carry them away and bury them. There was this sign, that if the evil began with the youngest of a house, the house were reduced to despair by this sign: because all of them would die also.  It happened that up to twelve darics were given [to bury the dead], and scarcely anyone was found to carry them away and throw them out like dogs.  It happened that a stretcher being carried by four carriers, they fell and perished. One fell as he spoke, the other ran away; another died while eating; every man lost hope of living, and was afraid to go out, saying: “I shall perish in the middle of the house”. When they were obliged to go out, the one who went out, either to accompany or to bury (the dead), wrote a tablet with these words that he hung on his arm: “I am such a one, son of such at one, and of such a neighbourhood; if I die, for God’s sake, and to show his mercy and goodness, let them know at my house, and let my people come to bury me”.  This great city reached exhaustion and was ruined; men feared to go into the streets because of the stink of corpses and of bodies being eaten by the dogs.

    *    *    *    *

Michael then continues with “When the chastisement had been fulfilled…” the plague spread beyond Egypt.  But Ps.Dionysius, although he omits the above, does preserve some of John’s long-winded musings on the plague.  So he begins as follows:

The year 855 (A.D. 543/4) of Alexander:  there was a great and mighty plague in the whole world in the days of the emperor Justinian.

Now, for the beginning of this narrative the blessed prophet Jeremiah has proved most helpful to us, being versed in raising songs of lamentation amid groans over the afflictions and the ruin of his people. Thus he would be a model for the present writer—or lamenter—in (putting down) the story of this terrible and mighty scourge with which the whole world was lashed in our days; though this time not over the afflictions of one city, Jerusalem, or of one people only, the Jews, would he have to weep and lament, but over (those of) many cities which (God’s) wrath turned into, as it were, a wine-press and pitilessly trampled and squeezed all their inhabitants within them like fine grapes.

(He would have to weep and lament) over the whole earth (upon) which the command went out like a reaper upon standing com and mowed and laid down innumerable people of all ages,  all sizes and all ranks, all together;

—over corpses which split open and rotted on the streets with nobody to bury (them);
—over houses large and small, beautiful and desirable which suddenly became tombs for their inhabitants and in which servants and masters at the same time suddenly fell (dead), mingling their rottenness together in their bedrooms, and not one of them escaped who might remove their corpses out from within the house;
—over others who perished falling in the streets to become a terrible and shocking spectacle for those who saw them, as their bellies were swollen and their mouths wide open, throwing up pus like torrents, their eyes inflamed and their hands stretched out upward, and (over) the corpses rotting and lying on comers and streets and in the porches of courtyards and in churches and martyria and everywhere, with nobody to bury (them);
—over ships in the midst of the sea whose sailors were suddenly attacked by (God’s) wrath and (the ships) became tombs for their captains and they continued adrift on the waves carrying the corpses of their owners;
—over other (ships) which arrived in harbours, were moored by their owners, and remained (so), never to be untied by them again;
—over palaces which groaned one to the other;
—over bridal chambers where the brides were adorned (in finery), but all of a sudden there were just lifeless and fearsome corpses;
—over virgins which (had been) guarded in bedchambers and (now) there was nobody to carry them from (these) bedchambers to the tombs;
—over highways which became deserted;
—over roads (on) which (the traffic) was interrupted;
—over villages whose inhabitants perished all together;
—over many things of this kind, which defeat all who have the power of speech in (their skill with) words and stories.

Thus over these things the prophet might weep and say, “Woe upon me not ‘because of the destruction of the daughter of my people,’  but because of the desolation of the entire habitable earth of humanity, which has been corrupted by its sins; and because the world in its entirety has already been made desolate for some time and has become empty of its inhabitants”. He might, I imagine, use the words of the prophecies of his fellow prophets to bring forward and say to the remnant among humanity who had survived, “‘Lament, wail, O ministers of the altar. Go in, pass the night in sackcloth, O ministers of my God, not only ‘because the cereal offering and the drink offering are cut off from the house of your God’,  but because (God’s) wrath, due to sins, has suddenly turned the holy house of God into a tomb for dead corpses and it reeked of dead bodies instead of living worshippers”. Again he might also repeat these words, “The earth shall sit in sorrow and all its inhabitants mourn”.  Also not very remote (from the case) is this, “Call for the mourning and lamenting women, ”  that together they may make lamentation, not over one corpse, or over one people, or over an only-begotten son, or over a young man who was snatched away by death, but over (whole) peoples and kingdoms, over territories and regions and over powerful cities which were seized (by the plague) and their dwellings groaned over the rotten corpses (lying) in them.

Thus when I, a wretch, wanted to include these matters in a record of history, my thoughts were seized many times by stupor, and for many reasons I planned to omit it, firstly because all mouths and tongues are insufficient to relate it, and moreover because even if there could be found such that would record (at least) a little from among the multitude (of matters), what use would it be, when the entire world was tottering and reaching its dissolution and the length of generations was cut short? And for whom would he who wrote be writing?

(But) then I thought that it was right that through our writings we should inform our successors and transmit to them (at least) a little from among the multitude (of matters) concerning our chastisement. Even if together with us they are knocking on the gate of the consummation, perhaps (during) this remainder of the world which will come after us they will fear and shake because of the terrible scourge with which we were lashed through our transgressions and become wiser through the chastisement of us wretches and be saved from (God’s) wrath here (in this world) and from future torment.

It was upon us that (the chastisement) came at that time (and so now) it is time that we should weep together with the prophet saying, “Death has come up into our windows, it has entered our gates, and made our palaces desolate”. Perhaps the eye of the prophecy watched these present events and prophesied concerning us, especially since in very deed it has appeared that, “My sword will be drawn forth out of its sheath and will destroy both righteous and sinners”, so that it also happened that at a single sign they became a single wine-press, and corpses which were split open, were eaten by dogs and exposed, having been cast about in great terror.

Now when the chastisement had been fulfilled (in Alexandria), it began to cross the sea to Palestine and the region of Jerusalem; furthermore some terrible shapes also appeared to people at sea.

When this plague was passing from one land to another, many people saw shapes of bronze boats and (figures) sitting in them resembling people with their heads cut off. Holding staves, also of bronze, they moved along on the sea and could be seen going whithersoever they headed. These figures were seen everywhere in a frightening fashion, especially at night. Like flashing bronze and like fire did they appear, black people without heads sitting in a glistening boat and travelling swiftly on the sea, so that this sight almost caused the souls of the people who saw it to expire.

In this way they were seen proceeding to Gaza, Ashkelon and Palestine and simultaneously with their appearance the beginning (of the plague) took place there. Also (horrors) exceeding by far those previously narrated about the city of Alexandria took place from now on in the whole of Palestine, with the effect that villages and cities were left totally without inhabitants.

Now (we shall speak about) another sign of menace and of God’s just sentence. Since in this way the riches of many people were left unguarded, gold, silver and other things,—the pearls of the world—gates standing open and treasures abandoned, houses full of all (kinds of) objects and everything one could desire in the world, so if it happened that somebody wished to take and gather something in order to take possession (of it), thinking that he would escape, on the very same day the sentence would come upon him.

Thus it was told about one city on the Egyptian border (that) it perished totally and completely with (only) seven men and one little boy ten years old remaining in it. The (men) having made common cause with each other went around the whole city and saw that there was nobody alive in it but themselves, the corpses of the rest (of the people) being mixed together in a decaying state. And when after one, two, and as much as five days, these (seven) were (still) alive, they took counsel among them(selves) and said:

“Perhaps we shall escape (from death), but since now it is easy for us—come, let us enter the large houses and gather for ourselves gold, silver and whatever (of other riches) is in them (so that) we shall (be able to) fill one house. Perhaps we will survive and so it will be ours.”

In fact as they had said so it was. They dared to enter the houses which were rich and empty of inhabitants. For three days they gathered only gold and silver and with it filled one large house. On the third day (when) they were carrying (the booty) and entering the house, there, inside the house, (God’s) wrath came upon them. Immediately they fell and all of them except that little boy within one hour perished on top of (the booty) they had gathered.

And so that boy alone survived. Seeing that all of them had died and from that time on there were no living persons in the whole city he intended to go and leave the city. He went, but when he reached the gate of the city something in the shape of a man seized him, brought him back and set him in the doorway of the house filled with what the (seven men) had gathered. Many times it treated him in this way.

A certain rich man who had previously left his property (in that) city on hearing that it had become desolate, took fright and stayed away from (the city) saying: “Perhaps God will have mercy upon me and let me live.” While he was persevering in prayer, repentance and supplications he heard news that the entire city had perished totally. A few days later he (could) not restrain himself (any longer) from sending to find out about his household and about the whole city. He sent an agent together with other servants saying: “Come, go and find out the truth about what has happened to my household and to the whole city.”

So these people went to the city, entered it and went around in it, but they found nobody alive at all except that boy sitting and weeping, his soul (being) close to expiring from weeping. On finding him they asked him: “Why are you sitting here and have not fled?”

He told them of all that had happened and of those seven men and of everything they had gathered and of what had happened to them. He also showed them their corpses and what they had collected. When the agent saw that great amount of gold, its sight excited him too, and he said to the assistants accompanying him: “Let us take some of this gold.” They, however, being frightened said: “We shall not approach it. But you do as you wish.”

So he entered and carried out as much of that gold as he was able (to load) on his pack animals. Then he also took along that boy and tried to leave, but when he reached the gate of the city (something) resembling a man rushed after him, caught him, bound both him and the boy and brought them back. Being seized, he took thought that (all) this was happening because of that gold, while the others called out to him: “Come back and put it in its place and perhaps you will be released.” Then he and that boy came back to the house and when they entered (it) both of them perished. The rest of them fled and thus they were saved.

Again it was told that at the same time in another city on the border of Palestine, demons appeared to (its inhabitants) in the shape of angels. They deceived them saying that they should make haste to worship an idol of bronze which had been left like other bronze statues which now stand in cities. Previously it had been (one of) the idols of the pagans and also it had a name and it was even now secretly worshipped by those few who were caught up in paganism. Thus the demons made the entire city worship (the idol) saying: “If you first worship such and such an idol, death will not enter this city.”

So what is said in the psalm would also apply to these wretches: “they reeled and staggered like drunken men and were at their wits’ end”.  Thus since they “were drunk”, their devices “were at an end” and were of no effect through the vehemence of (God’s) wrath. To this they were led by their error, for (they thought) they would escape death. Knowing not the second death  after this one, all of them fell down and worshipped that idol. But because (of that) the divine power revealed itself on account of their error: when they (were standing) gathered before the statue, suddenly, in order that others might not yield to such error, a whirlwind as it were entered into this idol and lifted it about 1000 fathoms, as far up as the eye could see, and threw it down with force from all that height upon the surface of the earth. It was broken into pieces and scattered like water on the surface of the earth and was no more.

And the sword of death fell upon (these people) and towards evening no living soul could be found in the city, but it was as is written in the prophet, “Now all of them have perished since they did not remember the name of the Lord”.    So it befell them too.

Chapter two[2] On that bitter suffering and on the rest of the cities in all the regions.

We are incapable of telling not only (about) those (events) which took place in Egypt and Alexandria but (also) about those many times as numerous (which) took place (in) the rest of the cities and regions of Palestine, of the whole North and the South and the East as far as the Red Sea.

At the same time that in the region of the capital these things were as yet known (only) by rumour, since they were still remote, and also before the plague (reached) Palestine, we were there. (Then) when it was at its peak we went from Palestine to Mesopotamia and then came back again when the chastisement reached there also, as well as (going) to other regions—Cilicia, Mysia, Syria, Iconium, Bithynia, Asia, Galatia and Cappadocia, through which we travelled in terror (on our way) from Syria to the capital (during) the height of the plague. Day by day we too—like everybody—knocked at the gate of the tomb. If it was evening we thought that death would come upon us in the night, and again if morning had broken, our face was turned the whole day toward the tomb.

In these countries we saw desolate and groaning villages and corpses spread out on the earth, with no one to take up (and bury) them;

—other (villages) where some few (people) remained and went to and fro carrying and throwing (the corpses) like a man who rolls stones (off his field), going off to cast (it away) and coming back to take (another stone) and again having thrown (it) upon a heap, returns to pull forth (the next one) and thus rolls (them) the whole day;
—others, heaping them up, dug tombs for them;
—(still) others who had totally disappeared, having left their homes void of (their) inhabitants;
—staging-posts on the roads full of darkness and solitude filling with fright everyone who happened to enter and leave them;
—cattle abandoned and roaming scattered over the mountains with nobody to gather them;
—flocks of sheep, goats, oxen and pigs which had become like [p. 88] wild animals, having forgotten (life in) a cultivated land and the human voice which used to lead them;
—areas that were tilled and full of all kinds of fruits (which) had become overripe and fallen for lack of anyone to gather (them);
—fields in all the countries through which we passed from Syria to Thrace, abundant in grain which was becoming white and stood erect, but there was none to reap or gather in;
—vines for which the time to be stripped of their fruits had come and passed: the (following) winter being severe, they shed their leaves while the fruit still remained hanging on the vines, there being no one to pick or press them.

How is one to recount or to write anything about this sight full of terror, the appearance of which was bitter, and the lament over it painful, which we met day after day on our journey, unless he who saw (it) should say together with the prophet, “the earth will sit in sorrow and all its inhabitants will mourn”.  And not only this but also another passage, which reads, “The earth mourned and sat in sorrow, the world mourned and sat and made lamentation, the height of the earth mourned …”, and so on.

At the sight of these things we had occasion also to recall what had previously been said by the blessed prophet when he prophesied saying, “The earth shall be laid utterly waste and be utterly despoiled”,  and “the earth shall be utterly stirred up and shall utterly totter and shall be utterly shaken and shall quiver like a hut, and its iniquity shall prevail over it”,  and, “it shall be burned again like a terebinth or an oak, which fell out from its acorn cup;”  all these things were completely fulfilled in our days, not over a long period but in a short time.

However, in the year preceding the plague, earthquakes and heavy tremblings beyond description took place five times during our stay in this city.  These which occurred were not rapid as the twinkling of the eye and transient, but took a long time until the hope of life expired from all human beings and was cut off, as there was no delay after the passing of each of these earthquakes. And thereafter they ceased, (or), as is written in the prophecy, after “the earth had been violently shaken”.

But three years before the plague, and even in the fourth, until this year, the whole Western land was stirred up and the wars multiplied and grew violent in the city of Rome and in Ravenna which is beyond it,  as well as in Carthage which is in the land of Africa.  Again powerful, innumerable peoples to which this empire is opposed—some of them indeed with God’s help—were subdued by this empire, that is Rome and Africa and their countries and their kingdoms. Also their kings were led (in triumphal procession) and brought in to this city.  Until their end we had watched how they, as well as the rest—everyone of their chieftains together with the captives of their countries—were enslaved.

These are barbarian peoples, which, as is written, “were stirring from the farthest parts of the earth”,  waxed strong and conquered, laid waste, set fire and plundered. Also they came up to the wall of the city when we were there. They carried off booty from suburban farms and abducted some of its inhabitants, not for one year only but for three, one after another. Because of their power nobody could withstand them.

They held this empire in such light esteem that they sent by their envoys the (following) message: “Prepare your palace for us, for [p. 90] behold we are coming thither.”

Terror fell even upon the emperor and the nobles, and from now on the gates of the palace were covered with iron and made secure; (it was) as if the whole (of the rest) of the city had (already) been taken by them, and (the authorities’) only concern was to make secure the palace. Thus something unheard of happened (now), which had not happened ever since this city was built.

Being frightened they ordered that all the trees up to 100 cubits around the city should be cut down and, since it was the capital, all its contents were faithfully and securely guarded between one wall and the other on the western side, because only there was the wall of stone and elsewhere (there was) the sea.

Tall and strong trees, cedars, cypresses, nut and fig trees, as well as vineyards and gardens, had grown there for one hundred years previously. Now all of them were cut and felled, and people were not able to remove them from their places because of their (great) mass. This destruction of the trees struck everyone with terror, and all were astonished and said:

“Had they not been unaware that (something) evil was decided, things would not have come to this point.” But (the authorities) replied and pressed on in confidence, as well as (their) opponents.

Thereafter also the wind of the East, that is the kingdom of Persia, awoke, gathered its strength and made itself ready (for war) together with all the mighty peoples of the whole East.  It stirred up all the kings of the land of the East and they went straight to this land of the Romans. They conquered, marched across (it) [p. 91] and subjugated (all the territory) as far as the great city of Antioch which they besieged.

And because it was gathering its strength to resist (the Persian king),  he overcame it, ravaged, captured, burnt, plundered and destroyed it to its foundations. He even carried off marble slabs with which the (outer) walls and the houses had been overlaid. He drove all (the inhabitants) into captivity. He also (did) other things, whereupon he turned back to his country in order to …

Now, what am I to tell about things which exceed (the power) of narrative …  is the challenge  of the story, but in order that we may know the words of the prophecy, which every day sound like trumpets in our ears, yet we do not want to listen, so that one after another all of them now show us in practice the power of their explanations, (and) not at a distance. And this one (chastisement) exceeds all others and is also the most terrible of them all. It arrived and devoured and surpassed all others.

Nothing else was known about it but only this. Like that species of wretched cows which appeared to Pharaoh, and having devoured the good ones were recognized only for being bad,  so this chastisement surpassed and devoured not (only) the previous good (events) but also the bad ones. Like the previous scourges also  (this) by its power caused suffering to those who were scourged.

Chapter three. (On) when this plague of pestilence arrived at the capital, Constantinople.

Thus returning to the story and to the series of afflictions, which because of our sins came upon us, we shall now, omitting other matters, tell with sighs and in bitter lamentations about what happened to the city of the emperors, because these (events) are more than anything worthy of lament. Not only we, the miserable, should make lamentation for them, but if it be possible (also) the heavens and the earth.

(The signs of plague) were still too few for the measure of sorrow (meted) against (the people) to be judged to be fulfilled.

Who then, O brothers, would describe this hideous and cruel sight! From whose heart, on hearing of these things which happened there, would not sighs break out, and (whose) limbs would not melt as wax melts in front of fire? Leave then those who with their (own) eyes watched that spectacle of misery, destruction and groans, those about whom there is nothing else to say except the word of the prophet whose question should be asked by everyone who saw these things, “Who gave water to my head, and to my eyes—fountains of tears? I wept day and night  and did not cease, over the destruction and ruin of Babel the great, which up to now has been roaring in the kingdom, but now, behold, her kingdom is humbled and defeated and it is only an angel of wrath who has been made king and destroyer over all her inhabitants.”

 Now when the chastisement came upon that city, in truth the abundance of the benignity and grace of God appeared in it. Although this (chastisement) was very frightening, grievous and severe, it would be right for us to call it not only a sign of threat and of wrath but also a sign of grace and a call to repentance. For the scourge used patience and moderation until it should arrive at the place.  Just as when a king prepares to go to battle and gives orders to the commanders of his army saying, “Prepare yourself, make your arms ready and take care of your provisions, for, behold, you will proceed with me to war on such and such a day”, and likewise he sends a message in writing to the neighbouring cities, “Now I am coming; be prepared, for when I have come there will be no lingering”, so this scourge of the benign grace of God by its silence sent as it were numerous messengers from one country to another,  and from city to city and to every place, just as if somebody were to say, “Turn back and repent and beg for (forgiveness of) your wrongdoings, and make ready for yourself provisions of alms from your possessions, for behold I am coming, and I am going to make your possessions superfluous.”

 God’s providence informed (us) about it in such a way that (news) was sent to every place in advance, and then the scourge arrived there, coming to a city or a village and falling upon it as a reaper, eagerly and swiftly, as well as upon other (settlements) in its vicinity, up to one, two or three miles (from it). And until what has been ordered against (one city) had been accomplished, (the scourge) did not pass on to enter the next. In this way it laid hold on (cities and villages) moving slowly.

 This is what (also) happened to this city: the visitation came upon it after (the city) had been perceiving the movement  of the visitation by hearsay from all over the place for one or two years; (only) then did it reach (the city). But (God’s) grace towards it was both eager and encouraging and in some people here it was truly active.

As in the days of Noah, when that blessed man together with his family heard the message of the threat and of perdition, he grew afraid and did not disregard (it) but took care to build the ark which became (a salvation) for him, for his own life and for all he had, so also in this time in like manner as did that blessed man, many people managed in a few days to build ships for themselves consisting of almsgiving, that these might transport them across that flood of flame; others in pain of tears (achieved it) by almsgiving and also by distributing their possessions to the needy; (still) others by lament and humility, vigils, abstinence and woeful calling upon God. In this way many people who feared and trembled were able to buy for themselves the kingdom.

 Then the onslaught came upon them. Those, however, who neglected and refused to send their riches in advance, left them to others and themselves were snatched away from their possessions, whereas the possessions remained. Both (misfortunes) happened to many people in this city very often.

Chapter four. Again on the same matter, how, once the plague had arrived at the capital, Grace descended  first upon the poor to gather together and to encompass them in honour not mixed with wrath.

When thus the scourge weighed heavy upon this city, first it eagerly began (to assault) the class of the poor, who lay in the streets. It happened that 5000 and 7000, or even 12,000 and as many as 16,000 of them departed (this world) in a single day. Since thus far it was (only) the beginning, men were standing by the harbours, at the crossroads and at the gates counting (the dead). Thus having perished they were shrouded with great diligence and buried; they departed (this life) being clothed and followed (to the grave) by everybody.

Thus the (people of Constantinople) reached the point of disappearing, only few remaining, whereas (of) those only who had died on the streets—if anybody wants us to name their number, for in fact they were counted—over 300,000 were taken off the streets. Those who counted, having reached (the number of) 230,000 and seeing that (the dead) were innumerable, gave up (reckoning) and from then on (the corpses) were brought out without being counted.

When those for whom the enshrouders and grave-diggers were (too) few had been removed and (put) in a large common grave, He stretched His destructive hand over the rulers of the world and the renowned in the realm of earthly men, the mighty in riches and those resplendent in their power. From now on the common people, together with the nobles could be seen to be smitten by a single great and harsh blow, and suddenly to fall, apart from a few. Not only those who died, but also those who escaped sudden death (were struck) with this plague of swellings in their groins, with this disease which they call bouboes,  and which in our Syriac language is translated as ‘tumours’. Both servants and masters were smitten together, nobles and common people impartially. They were struck down one opposite another, groaning.

As to God’s sentence, it was explained (as being decreed) so that the people should be astonished and remain in amazement about His righteous judgements which cannot be understood, nor comprehended, by human beings, as it is written, “Thy judgements are like the great deep”.

Also we saw that this great plague showed its effect on animals as well, not only on the domesticated but also on the wild, and even on the reptiles of the earth. One could see cattle, dogs and other animals, even rats, with swollen tumours, struck down and dying. Likewise wild animals could be found smitten by the same sentence, struck down and dying.

This terrible sign came upon the people of this city suddenly after removal of the poor.

Another sign would separate those to be snatched away from those who would survive and remain (waiting) for either death or life. It appeared in this way: three signs became visible in the middle of the palm of a man’s hand in the form of black pocks which did not depart (from the skin) but (remained) deep (in it). They were like three drops of blood deep within. On whomsoever these appeared, the moment they did so the end would come within just one or two hours, or it might happen that (the person) had one day’s delay. These (signs) were (to be found) on many (people).

To others however, neither this (happened) nor that, but as they were looking at each other and talking, they (began to) totter and fell either in the streets or at home, in harbours, on ships, in churches and everywhere. It might happen that (a person) was sitting at work on his craft, holding his tools in his hands and working, and he would totter to the side and his soul would escape. It might happen that (people) came to the bath to bathe as usual and they would not be able to take off their clothes, but would fall and expire. It might happen that (a person) went out to market to buy necessities and while he was standing and talking or counting his change suddenly the end would overcome the buyer here and the seller there, the merchandise remaining in the middle together with the payment for it, without there being either buyer or seller to pick it up.

And in all ways everything was brought to nought, was destroyed and turned into sorrow alone and funeral lamentations: everyone’s hands were weakened, buying and selling ceased and the shops with all their worldly riches beyond description and moneylenders’ large shops  (closed). The entire city then came to a standstill as if it had perished, so that its food supply stopped. There was nobody to stand and do his job, with the result that food vanished from the markets and great tribulation ensued, especially for the people prostrate with exhaustion from illnesses. Only a few were strong (enough) to bring to any bazaar anything worth one obol, but if they wished they took a dinar for it. Thus everything ceased and stopped.

What was most pressing of all was simply that everybody who was still alive should remove corpses from his house, and that also other (corpses) should disappear from the streets by being removed to the seashore. There boats were filled with them and during each sailing they were thrown overboard and the ships returned to take other (corpses).

It would be seemly for the hearer of these things to shed tears for us rather than for the dead and to lament with sighs for what our eyes saw. Alas, my brothers, for this cruel sight! Alas for those corpses (worthy of) lamentations at that time!

Standing on the seashore one could see litters colliding with each other and coming back to carry and to throw upon the earth two or three (corpses), to go back again and to bring (further corpses). Others carried (the corpses) on boards and carrying poles, bringing and piling (them) up one upon another. For other (corpses), since they had rotted and putrefied, matting was sewn together. People bore them on carrying poles and coming (to the shore) threw them (down), with pus running out of them. And they would return bringing (corpses) again. Others who were standing on the seashore dragged them and threw them down upon boats, piling them up in heaps of two or three and (even) of five thousand (each). Innumerable (corpses) piled up on the entire seashore, like flotsam on great rivers, and the pus flowed, discharging itself down into the sea.

With what tears should I have wept at that time, O my beloved, when I stood observing those heaps, full of unspeakable horror and terror? What sighs would have sufficed me, what funeral laments? What heart-break, what lamentations, what hymns and dirges would suffice for the suffering of that time over the people thrown in great heaps torn open one upon another with their bellies putrefying and their intestines flowing like brooks down into the sea? How too could the heart of a person who saw these things, with which nothing could be compared, fail to rot within him, and the rest of his limbs fail to dissolve together with him (though still) alive, from pain, bitter wailing and sad funeral laments, having seen white hair of the old people who had rushed all their days after the vanity of the world and had been anxious for gathering (means) and waiting for a magnificent and honourable funeral (to be prepared) by their heirs, who (now were) struck down upon the earth, (this) white hair (now) being grievously defiled with the pus of their heirs.

(With what tears should I have wept)  for beautiful young girls and virgins who awaited a joyful bridal feast and preciously adorned (wedding) garments, (but were now) lying stripped naked, and defiled with the filth of other dead, making a miserable and bitter sight, not even inside a grave, but in the streets and harbours, their corpses having been dragged (there) like those of dogs;

—(for) lovable babies being thrown in disorder, while those who were casting them onto boats seized and hurled them from a distance with great horror;
—(for) handsome and merry young men (now) turned gloomy, (who were) cast upside down one under another (in a) terrifying (manner); —(for) noble and chaste women, dignified with honour, who sat in bedchambers, (now with) their mouths swollen, wide open and gaping, (who) were piled up in horrible heaps, all ages lying prostrate, all statures bowed down and overthrown, all ranks pressed one upon another, in a single wine-press of (God’s) wrath, like beasts, not like human beings.

And what shall we say about (all) them (if not) to call out upon (God’s) mercy with the words, “Right are Thy judgements, O Lord!  Thou didst not wish that these things should befall Thy creation but through the abundance of iniquity and through our erring from Thy commandments and Thy wish, Thou hast delivered  us (to the cataclysm)”.

And again in our same clamour we shall speak about and say together with the prophet, “O Lord, in Thy wrath remember Thy mercies”.  “Have pity for Thy name’s sake, O Lord, over Thy people and renounce not Thy inheritance.”

Thus when the bearers became few, the whole city, (once) rich in inhabitants, splendid with power, and opulent, suddenly became a gloomy and putrid tomb for its inhabitants, so that now also the graves were insufficient. And this was more painful than anything, for the (corpses) from the city collected together in tribulation were cast down on boats (and having been transported) from this side across (the bay), were thrown there like dung on the earth and nobody would gather (them).

Also “the empire was sitting in sorrow”, as it is written,  for (the authorities) learned that the hands of the people who were bringing out the corpses grew weak because they also became fewer and (began to) disappear. The city stank with corpses as there were neither litters nor diggers and the corpses were heaped up in the streets.

Thus when the merciful emperor, in whose days these things took place, learned of it, he stirred himself up with zeal and showed diligence, giving orders for 600 litters to be produced. He appointed a man, his referendarius,  whose name was Theodore,  who was also zealous in good deeds, and gave him instructions to take and spend as much gold as should be necessary for supervising these matters and for encouraging people with great gifts not to be negligent but to dig large ditches and to fill them by piling up the corpses. This man proceeded with application. He crossed (the bay) northward to the other shore called Sykai  and climbed the mountain which was above the city. He took along many people, gave them much gold and had very large pits dug, in every one of which 70, 000 (corpses) were put. He placed there (some) men who brought down and turned over (corpses), piled them up and pressed the layers one upon another as a man might heap up hay in a stack.  Also he placed by the pits men holding gold and encouraging the workmen and the common people with gifts to carry and to bring up (corpses), giving five, six and even seven and ten dinars for each load. So also he walked around in the city urging (people) to bring out (the corpses). He himself was ordered to fill every grave he could find, to whomsoever it might belong. Thus by his application the city was gradually rid of the corpses. Everyone who had many corpses (to be buried) went to inform him and he would have them removed.

When this man was walking around in the city, a deacon from our (people) appeared who also was very zealous in these matters. (The referendarius) became aware of him and took him up and now appointed him in charge of the matter of the gifts and (general) custody together with himself.

When they went about they came and found a house all closed up and stinking, while people trembled at its smell. They entered and found in it about twenty people dead and rotten, with worms creeping all over them. Although terror seized them, they brought people, who having received large payments, picked them up in cloaks and removed them bearing them on carrying poles.

Others were found all dead but with babies alive and crying; other women were dead in their beds  but the babies, their children, were alive sleeping beside them, holding and sucking their breasts although (the mothers) were dead.

In (some) palaces life expired totally, in others, one remained out of a hundred (nobles), each of whom had been attended by many servants, but (now) had remained alone, or perhaps with few (servants only). But sometimes neither he nor any of his people (remained). Also those who (once) had been served by a multitude of servants, (now) stood and served themselves and the diseased in their homes.

The (imperial) palace was overwhelmed and overcome by sorrow. The emperor and the empress to whom myriads and thousands of commanders and the whole great senate had bowed and paid honour every day, (now) were miserable, and like everybody sank into grief, being served only by few.

(We omit) the rest of these matters which cannot be reported by people at all, (which took place) when devastation and destruction befell this (city), coming upon innumerable people of all kinds, upon many times as many as anywhere else, including the great city of Alexandria. Only now the hearts of people were numb and therefore there was no more weeping or funeral laments, but people were stunned as if giddy with wine. They were smitten in their hearts and had become numb.

What however was painful was that corpses should be dragged out and thrown down, people dealing with other people—with (their) dead—as with dead beasts: they dragged and threw, dazed and upset, (fulfilling) thus what was called in the Scripture “the burial of an ass”.  It befell everybody here. From now on, as in Alexandria,  nobody would go out of doors without a tag (upon which his name was) written and which hung on his neck or his arm.

Chapter five.  Again on a lamentable matter—on wills and inheritances.

There was nobody to tell about wills and inheritances, and if it happened that somebody required it according to the secular (law), or appointed heirs, these might quickly precede (their) benefactors (in death). Whoever they may have been, no matter whether poor or rich, or (whatever) open treasure (was involved), or large shop, or whatever one might desire, (the moment that), in hope that perhaps he would escape (death) and come into possession, he put his hands upon it to take (it), immediately the angel of death would appear, as if standing behind the man, and he would faint and be struck down. Therefore the needy did not give heed to  any gifts which someone might wish to grant them, and they would not accept (them) from him. Those who did accept, perished.

There were, however, (some) needy people (who) having survived until then thought:  “Perhaps we shall escape (death), so if a man (is willing to) give, let us ask and accept the gift. Without having to enter someone’s house and take something from those who have died, let us just ask for a favour.”

And they came to one big shop belonging to a moneylender. They found an old man sitting on his door(step) in whose family everybody had perished. They approached him and said:  “Grant us a gift. Perhaps we shall live and (so) we will be able to commemorate you.”

And he said to them: “My sons, behold, the whole shop (is) before you. Enter and carry off whatever your soul desires and go, and do not fear. Take as much as your hands are able to carry, and go in peace.”

If somebody said that in that shop there were only 1000 pounds of gold and silver, it would still be (as if) nothing. So these people entered and took freely. They looked and were astonished. They cast their eyes on many things, especially on gold, and took (it) and wished to leave. When (one of them) crossed the threshold and the other came along to go out, (it was) as if a sword came between them and cut both of them, one here and the other there. They fainted and fell and their souls fled and their load was scattered. Thus great terror fell upon the rest of them; from now on gold, silver and also all material goods were despised in everybody’s eyes. A frightful and zealous power laid hold of everything and therefore from now on nobody relied on either gold or other riches, but the faces of all were turned toward and prepared for the grave.

Those who remained healthy lifted and carried the corpses, some for more pay than others, some for little (remuneration) as they scorned it; some, on the other hand, did not accept any payment at all. Whoever was strong and desired gold was able to collect up to a pound of gold a day and up to 100 dinars, because having no fear for God they took as it pleased them.

There were two strong young men who carried stoutly and demanded greedily, without fear. In the end they requested from the emperor’s referendarius (payment for) one, two and three days (more). When he realized how much they took from him alone he said to them: “Go, my sons, it is enough for you. For how much are you arguing? Go, keep what you have earned. Do not be a bad example for others.” But they said to him:  “We shall not be idle.”  He did not press them to, but said to them:  “You know.”  Then those wretches rushed off to carry (corpses) and reached those ditches into which the corpses were cast. When they arrived there both of them suddenly fainted, fell and died. Then the man seeing (it) wept over them and said:  “Woe to thee, covetousness of Adam, whose mouth is stopped this hour!”  Then he ordered one of his servants:  “Come near, and see if there is upon them anything which they have collected. Take it and give to others (who) come bringing (corpses). And as for those (two), throw them in, to go down together with the rest.”

Again three others gathered 450 dinars and finally said to each other: “It is enough for us. Let us take this and leave this city.” They went off taking (the money) along to divide (it) between themselves. Sitting on a marble slab they counted 150 dinars for each of them, but when they had divided their shares and each was about to stretch out his hand to take his portion, each twisted round to his side, fell and died. Thus their shares were found before them, divided up and placed there with their owners prostrate in front of them.

Such was the message of that angel who was ordered to fight people with this scourge until they should spurn all matters of this world—if not of their own will, then against it—so that everybody who might incite his mind to revolt, and still covet things of this world, was by him quickly deprived of life.

Thus now in this city, once mighty in (the number) of its inhabitants, desolation and emptiness increased from one day to another.

What more is there to say?—also on those pits into which people were thrown and trodden upon, while men stood below, deep as in an abyss, and others above: the latter dragged and threw down (the corpses), like stones being thrown from a sling,  and the former grabbed and threw them one on top of another, arranging the rows in alternative directions. Because of scarcity (of room) both men and women were trodden upon, young people and children were pressed together, trodden upon by feet and trampled like spoiled grapes. Then again from above (other corpses) were thrown head downwards and went down and split asunder beneath, noble men and women, old men and women, youths and virgins, young girls and babies.

How can anyone speak of or recount (such) a hideous sight, and who can watch this burial, even though his soul should remain in his body and not waste away from bitter lamentations over so much iniquity which would suffice to destroy the children of Adam? How and with what utterances, with what hymns, with what funeral laments and groanings should somebody mourn who has survived and witnessed this ’’wine-press of the fury of the wrath (of God)”?

Those who trampled stood (below) and when a man or a woman or a young man or a child was put (down) they would tread (them) with their feet to press them down and to make place for others. The (corpse) which was trampled sank and was immersed in the pus of those below it, since it was after five or as much as ten days that (the corpses) reached (this place of) pernicious prostration.

What mind could bear and endure this suffering of white hairs of old age which were not even, as is written, buried “by the burial of an ass”?  Whom would compunction of heart, terror and sadness not seize as he stood (there) and in great terror and bitter sadness disconsolately watched lovely young men like flowers being seized by their hair, dragged and cast from above into the depths of lowest Sheol: as they fell their bellies were split asunder, and the sight of their youthfulness was laid bare down there: (it was a matter) of great horror, shattering and bitter, with no (hope of) comfort. How can any eye endure seeing these heaps of little children and babies piled up in mounds like dung on the earth? Who would not weep more over us, who behold the sight to which our sins have brought us, rather than over the dead? Even if we shall later be blamed for deficiency of mind by the wise, it becomes us, confronting this sight, O brothers, to raise wailing and lamentations for ourselves and not for those (dead) and say: “Woe to you, our eyes, for what you see! Woe to you, our bitter life, for the destruction you have encountered, which has come upon the kindred of your body, while your eyes look on.” It would be much better for us who saw (it) to be mingled with those who drank the cup of wrath,  who ended their journey and did not experience that destruction; or with those whose heart is darkened together with their eyes, mind and thought.
What words or what mouth, tongue, voice and word would suffice a man to tell about (all this)? How can I, miserable, who have wanted to recount (it), not resemble someone who has fallen into the depths of the sea and, being buffeted hither and thither by  waves, can neither touch the bottom, nor is close to reaching the shore, but (instead) is battered and dashed by the heavy and powerful waves and therefore is close to perishing by drowning?

And what more is there to say or tell about the unspeakable things which befell this city more than any other, to the extent that even the wise lost their mind and “the stratagems of the crafty”,  as it is written, were dissolved and brought to nought? Therefore it was not easy to find anyone who was firm in mind, but, as it is written, “they reeled and staggered like drunken men, and were at their wits’ end”.  It happened in this way: being stupefied and confused each talked to his friend like men drunk as a result of liquor, thus through drunkenness resulting from the chastisement people were easily led to madness of mind.

(The latter) happened indeed in this city: the demons wanted to lead people astray and to laugh at their madness. A rumour from somebody spread among those who had survived, that if they threw pitchers from the windows of their upper storeys on to the streets and they burst below, death would flee from the city. When foolish women, [out of their]  minds, succumbed to this folly in one neighbourhood and threw pitchers out …  The rumour spread from this quarter to another, and over the whole city, and everybody succumbed to this foolishness, so that for three days people could not show themselves on the streets since those who had escaped death (in the plague) were assiduously (occupied), alone or in groups, in their houses with chasing away death by breaking pitchers.

Again it was effected by demons who deceive people that when those who had acted so foolishly by breaking pitchers (started) to lament that they had failed in what they imagined their deception (would achieve, but instead) were drawing closer each day to utter perdition, (the demons then) appeared to them, wishing to mock the garb of piety, that is the (monastic) habit of the “shorn”—of the monks and of the clerics. Therefore when either a monk or a cleric appeared the (people) gave a yell and fled before him, supposing that he was death (in person) who would destroy them. Thus this foolishness was manifested in (the idea) that death would come in the likeness of the “shorn” ones. It befell simple people especially and the populace of the city, so that hardly anybody wearing the monastic habit would appear on the streets, for on seeing him they fell upon each other, fled and huddled together crying: “Where are you going? We belong to God’s Mother! We belong to such and such a martyr (patron)! We belong to such and such an apostle!” This foolishness persisted with some even longer, for as long as two years: on seeing a monk or a cleric they cried, “We belong to God’s Mother!”

(All in all) not many (people) but (only) few in number could now be seen in this great city, the queen of the world, out of (once) innumerable (inhabitants), thousands and tens of thousands.

Although at the beginning we desisted from recording the memory of these events, three years later, arranging in a story the lamentations one after another, we recorded those matters for the remembrance of the sorrow and afflictions which happened before our eyes.

Also the eastern regions were overwhelmed by the same (horrors) which have not yet come to an end.

We have left these matters for the remembrance of other (people) who will come after (us), in order that when they hear about the chastising of us, fools and provokers, and about the sentence for our sins, they may “become wise”, as it is written,  and that they may cease to anger that One for whom everything is easy to do, and that they may repent and ask mercy continually, lest this chastisement also be thrown upon them.

The story of the violent plague as was written by the holy John, bishop of Asia, is finished.

    *    *    *    *

John writes: “The mercy of God showed itself everywhere towards the poor, for they died first…”  How awful!

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  1. [1]Chabot’s version: “Dans le livre de Jean d’Asie on parle amplement de la grande peste qui survint en l’an 855, qui est l’an 16 de Justinianus, (peste) qui depuis l’origine du monde n’avait eu, et n’aura jamais sa pareille. L’univers absolument entier fut frappé du cruel fléau. Elle commença d’abord par les peuples intérieurs des contrées du sud-est de l’Inde, c’est-à-dire de Kous, Himyarites et autres ; ensuite par les régions de l’Occident, qu’on appelle « supérieures », les peuples des Romains, des Italiens, des Gaulois, des Espagnols. On apprit que les hommes devenaient enragés, comme des chi’ens, devenaient fous, s’attaquaient les uns les autres, s’en allaient dans les montagnes et se suicidaient. Ces choses n’étaient encore considérées que comme des échos de mauvais augure, mais le fléau progressa et gagna les contrées de Kous, sur les confins de l’Egypte, et de là il se répandit en Egypte même. — Comme la faux recourbée1 du moissonneur, il s’emparait successivement2 de la terre et progressait sans cesse. Quand la plus grande partie du peuple eut péri, au point que l’Egypte en arriva à être privée de ses habitants, ruinée et déserte, il s’abattit sur Alexandrie et consuma une foule de gens. Ceux qui échappèrent à une mort prompte furent frappés d’une terrible maladie : celle des tumeurs des aines ; les uns d’un côté, les autres des deux côtés. Les aines se gonflaient, se tuméfiaient, s’emplissaient d’eau, puis survenaient des ulcères grands et profonds, qui laissaient couler du sang, du pus  et de l’eau, nuit et jour. — Avec cette plaie fondit sur eux ce fléau par lequel ils étaient promptement enlevés.

    La miséricorde de Dieu se montra partout à l’égard des pauvres, car ils moururent les premiers : d’une part, afin de faire paraître le zèle des habitants des villes et de leur procurer des avantages spirituels, par l’ensevelissement des pauvres; d’autre part, parce que si la calamité les avait confondus avec les autres, comment aurait-on pu enlever du milieu des places publiques leurs cadavres en putréfaction et leurs ossements dénudés, puisqu’il n’y aurait eu personne pour s’occuper d’eux? Ceux-ci moururent donc les premiers, alors que tout le monde était encore en bonne santé pour les enlever, les emporter et les ensevelir. On avait ce signe  que si le mal commençait par le plus jeune d’une maison, cette maison en était réduite au désespoir d’après ce signe : car tous mouraient pareillement. Il arriva qu’on donnait jusqu’à 12 dariques, et à peine trouvait-on quelqu’un pour les emporter et les jeter dehors comme des chiens. Il arriva qu’une civière étant placée sur quatre porteurs, ceux-ci tombaient et périssaient. L’un succombait en parlant, l’autre en courant; un autre mourait en mangeant; chacun avait perdu l’espoir de la vie, et craignait de sortir, disant : « Je périrai au milieu de la maison ». Quand ils étaient contraints de sortir, celui qui sortait, soit pour accompagner soit pour ensevelir (les morts), écrivait une tablette ainsi libellée qu’il suspendait à son bras : « Je suis un tel, fils d’un tel, de tel quartier ; si je meurs, pour Dieu, et pour manifester sa miséricorde et sa bonté, qu’on aille le faire savoir dans ma maison, et que les miens viennent m’ensevelir ». — Cette grande ville arriva à l’épuisement et fut ruinée; les hommes craignaient d’aller dans les rues, à cause de la puanteur des cadavres et des corps qui étaient dévorés par les chiens.”

  2. [2]Ps.Dionysius has left the chapter divisions of John of Ephesus in the middle of his quotation.

Apocryphal and then some: The so-called “Synopsis” of so-called Dorotheus of Tyre

A correspondent asks me about Dorotheus of Tyre, Synopsis.  This is a patristic work of which I had never heard.  A Google Books search shows that scholars refer to the work from the 16th to the 19th century, after which there is a sudden silence.

The Synopsis is a work that was first published in 1557 in a collection in Latin of the works of the Ecclesiastical Historians, edited by Joachim Camerarius, and printed at Froben in Basle.  Fortunately this edition is online.[1]  The start of the Dorotheus section reads as follows:

Quomodo Apostoli et Prophetae vixerint ac mortui sint, Synopsis Dorothei Episcopi Tyri, viri Spiritu Dei praediti et martyris, qui sub Diocletiano et Magno sancto Constantino claruit, et ad tempora usque Iuliani Apostatae duravit, sub quo et martyrium passus est.  Vuolfg. Musculo interprete, nunc primum in lucem aedita.

In what manner the apostles and prophets lived and died.  The summary of Dorotheus bishop of Tyre, a man called by the spirit of God and a martyr, who flourished under Diocletian and holy Constantine the Great, and remained until the times of Julian the Apostate, under whom he received martyrdom.  Translated by Wolfgang Musculus, now published for the first time.

The work is in four parts; a short introduction De ipsius Dorothei vita ac morte (On the life and death of Dorotheus himself); the lives and deaths of the prophets; the lives of the 12 apostles; and a list of the 70 disciples.

The translation of Musculus proved popular.  It was reprinted as part of an edition of the works of Salvian in 1560 (also online), although the anonymous editor thoughtfully left out the name of Musculus. He also rearranged it, to place the prophets first, and to add material of his own part way through the prophets.[2]  According to Lipsius, the Musculus was reprinted in 1570, again at Froben.[3] I have also come across Latin editions from 1564 and 1587.[4]  English writers generally refer to the work as the Synopsis, and some even call Dorotheus the “ecclesiastical historian”.  (Evidently they had the Froben edition to hand!)

But something was obviously wrong, and it did not take scholars long to see this.  Eusebius mentions Dorotheus of Tyre (HE VII c.32).  He tells us that Dorotheus was appointed by the emperor Diocletian as manager of the factory in Tyre that produced the famous imperial purple dye.  But he doesn’t call him a bishop, and he doesn’t mention any literary productions extant.  Since Tyre is close by, and the two are nearly contemporaries, this silence is worrying.

Attempts to locate the Greek text from which Musculus printed the work were also instructive.  Henry Dodwell was able to find a text in two of the Barroci manuscripts in the Bodleian library in Oxford.[5] (His 1715 biographer, Francis Brokesby, records that Dodwell was rather proud of unmasking the Dorotheus forgery)[6].  The Dorotheus text proved to be related to similar lists in the Chronicon Paschale.[7]

Furthermore, it was found that each part of the work was transmitted separately.  The Synopsis as such did not even exist.  What actually existed were three unconnected works:

  •  The Lives of the Prophets
  •  The Lives of the 12 Apostles
  •  The List of the 70 disciples

But this was not all.  Each of these works existed in a range of recensions.  For the Lives of the Prophets, at least six recensions are known.

Nor are these recensions attributed to Dorotheus.  Only one of them, recension “B” in the classification of Schermann (below), has the name of Dorotheus attached to it in the manuscripts.  Other names, such as Epiphanius and Hippolytus, are attached to other versions.  The same problem arises with the other two works.

As for the prologue on the life and death of Dorotheus, obviously not by Dorotheus himself, it appears to be very similar to a passage in the Chronographia of the 6th century historian Theophanes.  Mango felt that the prologue was the origin of the statement in Theophanes; but of course the opposite is possible.

Even worse, examination of some versions of the list of the disciples – especially the “Dorotheus” – reveals the interpolation of a certain “Stachys” as coming from Byzantium, and this is used by medieval orthodox writers to bolster the claims of Constantinople.  The need for an apostolic connection to the see of Constantinople only arises in the 8-9th century, when the schism with Rome begins.  The appearance of Stachys indicates that this recension is the product of deliberate editing of a pre-existing tradition, for political reasons.

In conclusion, the Synopsis is not a single work at all; and it is certainly not by Dorotheus of Tyre.  So there is no reason to refer to either.  It would be interesting to know whether the arrangement in the Musculus edition was the work of Musculus himself, to sell a few more copies of his book; or whether a manuscript existed collecting them all together.

Not all of this was apparent at first, but the work ceases to be referred to in the mid-19th century.  A good summary of the reasons for this is found in 1838 in the widely-read works of Nathaniel Lardner.[8] However even today there are popular writers who repeat older writers without verifying who this Dorotheus might be.

Let me end with a few notes on this literature.

The whole question of the nature of these texts was examined in 1907 in two volumes by Theodor Schermann, who went back to the Greek:

  •  Theodor Schermann, “Propheten- und Apostellegenden nebst Jüngerkatalogen des Dorotheus und verwandter Texte”, (“Legends of the Prophets and Apostles and catalogues of the disciples of Dorotheus and related texts”) in Texte und Untersuchungen 31, Heft 3, Hinrichs, 1907.  Online at Archive.org here.
  •  Theodor Schermann, Prophetarum vitae fabulosae, Indices Apostolorum Discipulorumque, Domini Dorotheo, Epiphanio, Hippolyto aliisque vindicata, (The legendary lives of the Prophets, Lists of the Apostles and Disciples, attributed to Dorotheus, Epiphanius, Hippolyus and others) Leipzig: Teubner, 1907.  Online at Archive.org here.

Schermann edited the texts from the Greek, and established a list of recensions for each, and the author to whom they are attributed.  For the Lives of the Prophets, the Dorotheus text is recension B.

The Lives of the Prophets

This Old Testament apocryphon has been the object of quite a lot of research.  Most of us have limited German, so many will be glad to learn of a book by David Satran, in English, in 1995, with a Google Books preview online.[9]  Satran feels that the work in its present form cannot be of pre-Christian Jewish origin, as some have held, but must reflect the 4th century AD.

In Emil Schürer, The history of the Jewish people in the age of Jesus Christ: (175 B.C. – A.D. 135), vol. III.3, A&C Black, 1973, p.785, (revised by Geza Vermes and others) we find the following useful summary of the recensions:

The Lives have survived in five Greek recensions, designated A-E in Schermann’s edition. Recension A, preserved in medieval manuscripts and dating to the sixth century A.D., has been transmitted as a work of Epiphanius. Recension B, from the third or fourth century according to Schermann, has circulated under the name of Dorotheus of Tyre or Antioch, a martyr under Diocletian. The sixth century recension C, also attributed to Epiphanius, is shorter and older than B, and derives from D. The latter is conserved in the sixth century Codex Marchalianus (Vat. Graec. 2125). It is the oldest recension (probably from the third century), free of the many interpolations detectable in the other versions. Equally from the sixth century comes Recension E, called after Hesychius of Jerusalem, and attested again in medieval codices. For a full description, see Schermann, Prophetarum vitae fabulosae (1907), pp. xiii-xxxi; cf. also Denis, IPGAT, pp. 85-7. Denis (ibid., pp. 87-8) further mentions a sixth recension contained in Christian hagiography (synaxaria and menologia).

The Vitae prophetarum are represented also in various forms in Syriac, mostly dependent on Recension D and normally attributed to Epiphanius. There are, moreover, Armenian, Ethiopic and Arab versions.

The “IPGAT” is A. M. Denis, Introduction aux Pseudepigraphes Grecs d’Ancien Testament, Brill, 1970, which does contain a useful overview.

The Lives of the Prophets has benefited by an edition with English translation by C.C.Torrey (1946, online here).  The translation is online in HTML here.

See also Ky-Chun So,Jesus in Q: The Sabbath and Theology of the Bible and Extracanonical Texts, 2017, p.183, for a useful summary of opinion.

The Lives of the Apostles

This text, and the list of the 70 disciples, appear to be circulating in some form already in the 6th century AD.[10]  Peterson gives the following statement about this work, in the context of the legends of Andrew:

A worthy successor to Pseudo-Epiphanios is the famous forgery known as Pseudo-Dorotheos or Pseudo-Procopios. Altho full of the most amazing anachronisms, it is still quoted extensively by Greek Orthodox scholars as the main proof that Andrew ordained the first bishop of Constantinople. Its literary influence is such that all later texts bear its influence, whether in Greek or in Syriac, while a modern scholar lists it among the pseudepigraphs of the New Testament. The alleged author is Dorotheos of Tyre, who is said by the forger to have died about 361; the translator claims to have done his work in 525; the absence of any reference to the villain of the story (one Zeuxippos) until after Nicephoros Callistos, shows that the composition is from the first half of the ninth century, at the earliest. Photios (see below) had no mention at all, either of Pseudo-Epiphanios or of Pseudo-Dorotheos; so perhaps the dating is later. The Photian controversy, however, seems the likely period to have inspired such a document.[11] The most original part of the document is here given.

“For Andrew, having crossed the Pontus, came to preach Christ to the Byzantines. At that time, a blood-thirsty man, Zeuxippos, was ruler. He used to ask foreigners, upon their arrival in Byzantium, about the Christ, before he would permit them to enter the city. If anyone confessed Christ, (Zeuxippos) ordered him bound hand and foot with chains and to be sunk into the sea. Hearing this and sailing around Byzantium, Andrew settled in that part of Thrace nearest Byzantium, at one stadion’s distance, in Argyropolis for a period of two years, during which he established a congregation of truth-loving and law-abiding men. As soon as he had some two thousand in the congregation, he erected an altar to Chrst, and ordained Stachys as bishop.”[12]

Pseudo-Epiphanios is also quoted word for word, but no credit is given to any author other than Dorotheos, bishop of Tyre.[13]

There is an article by Cyril Mango, “Constantinople’s Mount of Olives and Pseudo-Dorotheus of Tyre”, Nea Rhome 6 (2009), p.157-70 (online here).  Also the work is discussed in Francis Dvornik, The idea of apostolicity in Byzantium and the legend of the apostle Andrew, Harvard, 1958 (online here).  P.M.Peterson also wrote “The genealogy of the Andrew legends”, in his Andrew, brother of Simon Peter: His history and legends (Brill, 1958) which apparently discusses the subject further.  But the Andrew legends are a subject beyond the scope of this post.[14]

One of the few modern references to Dorotheus is in Sean McDowell, The Fate of the Apostles, Routledge, 2016, p.248, where we find a snippet in translation: “Simon Zelotes traversed all Mauritania, and the regions of the Africans, preaching Christ. He was at last crucified, slain, and buried in Britain”.  But the quote is from a 1861 book.[15]

The Lives of the 70 Disciples

I found an English translation of some version of the text here.  Musculus states that Dorotheus died a martyr at the age of 107; this version curiously suggests 170!  But the online translation is not of the same recension of the text.

    *    *    *    *

I hope these notes will be useful to someone!

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  1. [1]Joachim Camerarius, Ecclesiasticae historiae authores Eusebii … historiae ecclesiasticae lib. X Vuolfgango Musculo interprete. Ruffini … lib. II. Eusebij … De uita Constantini lib. V. Socratis Scholastici … lib. VII. Theodoriti … Ioachimo Camerario interprete lib. V ; Hermij Sozomeni … Musculo interprete lib. IX. Theodori Lectoris … lib. II. Euagrij Scholastici … lib. VI. …  , Froben: Basiliae, 1557. Online at the Bavarian State Library here.  Dorotheus starts on p.806.
  2. [2]The 1560 Latin edition of Sulpitius Severus (Guillard: Paris, 1560, online here) contains Dorotheus as an appendix on fol.120, under the title De vita prophetarum et apostolorum synopsis: “Sulpitii Severi, … Sacrae historiae a mundi exordio ad sua usque tempora deductae libri duo. Item Dorothei, episcopi Tyri … de Vita prophetarum et apostolorum synopsis. Quibus accessit rerum et verborum index copiosus”, Parisiis : Apud G. Guillard et A. Warencore, 1560.  No editor is listed, but there is a dedicatory epistle by a certain “Jacobus Faber”, plus a “Life” of Sulpicius Severus from Gennadius.  I found online evidence of a reprint at “Köln, apud Johann III Gymnich, 1573”.
  3. [3]Lipsius, Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden ein Beitrag zur altchristlichen Literaturgeschichte, vol.1, 1883, p.194.  Online at Archive.org here.
  4. [4]Salviani, episcopi Massiliensis, De vero judicio et providentia Dei libri VIII. Maximi Taurinensis homiliae. Paciani Barcilonensis de penitentia, & confessione. Sulpicii Severi sacrae historiae libri duo. Dorothei Tyrii de prophetis, & discipulis Domini. Haymonis Halberstattensis Sacrae historiae epitome. Adjunctis in tres posteriores Petri Galesinii notationibus… / Romae : apud Paulum Manutium Aldi f. in aedibus populi romani , 1564.  Eusebii Pamphili, Ruffini, Socratis, Theodoriti, Sozomeni, Theodori, Evagrii, et Dorothei Ecclesiastica historia, sex propè seculorum res gestas complectens : latinè jam olim à doctissimis viris partim scripta, partim è graeco à clarissimis viris, Vuolfgango Musculo, Joachimo Camerario & Johanne Christophersono Britanno, eleganter conversa : et nunc ex fide Graecorum codicum, sic ut novum opus videri possit, per Joan. Jacobum Grynaeum locis obscuris innumeris illustrata, dubiis explicata, mutilis restituta : chronographia insuper Abrahami Bucholceri, ad annum epochae christianae sexcentesimum : & lectionis sacrae historiae luculenta methodo exornata. Unà cum indice rerum & verborum locupletiss. / Cum gratia & privilegio Caesareae Majestatis. Basileae : ex officina Eusebii Episcopii, & Nic. fratris haeredum. M. D. LXXXVII. , 1587
  5. [5]Barroci 142, no. 23; and Barroci 206, no.5.  His handwritten transcription is preserved as Ms. St Edmund Hall 19, folios 23r-29r.    This from Jean-Louis Quantin, “Anglican scholarship gone mad? Henry Dodwell (1641-1711) and Christian Antiquity”, in: Christopher Ligota, Jean-Louis Quantin (eds), History of Scholarship: A Selection of Papers from the Seminar on the History of Scholarship Held Annually at the Warburg Institute, OUP, 2006, p.327-8. Preview here. “Dodwell also discovered and transcribed from two Baroccian manuscripts the original of Pseudo-Dorotheus of Tyre’s Synopsis of the life of the seventy disciples. The text, purporting to derive from the fourth-century bishop and martyr Dorotheus, had been known previously only in a Latin translation. The Greek text discovered by Dodwell possessed a lengthy postscript which provided the key to its origin: it was a forgery intended to enhance the apostolicity of the see of Constantinople. It was also the earliest occurrence of the legendary Byzantine catalogues of the bishops of Constantinople, from Andrew onwards.123 Dodwell gave his transcription to William Cave, who published it, with a commentary, in his Historia literaria of 1688.124 The complete text was simultaneously published in Paris by Du Cange from a manuscript in the library of the King of France. Du Cange yet again propounded conclusions very close to those of his Anglican counterparts.125″.  The Cave reference is William Cave, Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum Historia literaria, London, 1688, 114-25.
  6. [6]F. Brokesby, The Life of Mr. Henry Dodwell, London, 1715, p.516: “Dr. Cave takes a particular notice of Mr. Dodwell, as one of the persons he was obliged to… To name no more, he furnished him with a Greek fragment out of two Baroccian MSS. by himself, which plainly detected the fraud of that person who obtruded on the world that Synopsis that appeared under the name of Dorotheus, forged in the time when the dispute for precedency was managed betwixt the Bishops of Rome and Constantinople;  that as the former pretended S. Peter as their first bishop, so the latter, the rivals of the former, might derive themselves from his brother S. Andrew, from whom this Pseudo-Dorotheus derived a succession of bishops at Byzantium. This is in Histor. Liter., p. 114, 115, &c. The Contrivance of which Forgery, I have heard Mr. Dodwell recount, and which he and I have read together with some Pleasure.”
  7. [7]See here.
  8. [8]See Vol. 3, chapter 55, p.159 f.
  9. [9]David Satran, Biblical Prophets in Byzantine Palestine: Reassessing the Lives of the Prophets, Brill (1995). Preview here.
  10. [10]Peter Megill Peterson, Andrew, Brother of Simon Peter: His History and His Legends, Brill, 1958, p.17: “For this section, I am relying greatly upon Schermann’s publication of the texts and partly upon his commentary. But to his collection of pseudonymous and anonymous texts, I add a few texts from known and datable Byzantine fathers. Probably the oldest of the later lists of the Apostles and Disciples of the Lord is the Syriac text found in Codex Sinaiticus Syrus 10, whose handwriting is of the ninth century but whose origin is probably directly from a sixth century source. It reads concerning Andrew and Stachys simply: “Andrew, Simon’s brother, died in the city Patrae.” After the Twelve is found a list of “The Names of the Seventy Apostles, Composed by Irenaeus, Bishop of Lyon,” and some “Six More were with Peter of Caesarea”, which includes as sixty-first: “Stachys.”

    Probably also from the sixth century is a Greek translation of a Syriac text similar to the above, but by someone cognizant of the Acts of Andrew, which gives the simple statement: “Andrew, Simon Peter’s brother, having preached in Greece, at Patrae was killed by Aegeates.””

  11. [11]Schermann, Vitae, p.xli-xlv; Propheten p.182-7. (This and the next two references are copied from Peterson.)
  12. [12]Schermann, Vitae, p.146 f.
  13. [13]Ibid. p.153-7, cf. p.108 f.  Cf. Lipsius, Ap. I, in many places.
  14. [14]See also this web page, by Milton V. Anastos, “Constantinople and Rome”, taken from M. Anastos, Aspects of the Mind of Byzantium (Political Theory, Theology, and Ecclesiastical Relations with the See of Rome), Ashgate Publications, Variorum Collected Studies Series, 2001, for a summary.  See also F.L.R. Lanzillota’s 1969 thesis The apocryphal acts of Andrew, (online here) which repeats the idea of the 9th century origin for ps.Dorotheus.
  15. [15]Note 14 reads: This quote is from Doretheus, Synopsis de Apostol, as found in Richard Williams Morgan, St. Paul in Britain; Or, The Origin of British As Opposed to Papal Christianity (Oxford: J.H. and Jas. Parker, 1861), 151.

From my diary

I’ve been thinking about the (pseudo) Synopsis of ps.Dorotheus of Tyre, and I will have a blog post on this strange item just as soon as pressures of work permit.  I’ve also been unwell so apologies to anyone writing to me.

I’ve also asked a correspondent to translate some of the ps.Dorotheus material.  I’m not sure if this will happen tho.

A translation of the Commentary on Luke attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea is approaching completion, and will appear here when it is done.

My local library has been transferred from the local authority to a non-profit; and the grant has been reduced by 33% in 6 years.  In consequence the service has become rather rubbish.  My attempts to obtain a book by ILL have been painful, and, as a result of their incompetence, I have the book on a five *day* loan rather than the three weeks advertised.  The loan fee remains unchanged, tho.  Fortunately I can scan what I need here.

Blogging will be light until I recover.

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An 1850 view of the Meta Sudans and the Arch of Constantine

Another splendid find from Roma Ieri Oggi!  This shows the Meta Sudans, with the Arch of Constantine and the ruins of the Palatine … in 1850!  Unusually this was taken from high-up in the Colosseum.  Marvellous!

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The date of Hero of Alexandria, and another translation of some extracts of the “Mechanics”

When did Hero of Alexandria live?  The truth is that we know little other than what can be inferred from his works.

Karin Tybjerg[1] tells us that Hero quotes Archimedes, who lived ca. 287-211 or 212 BC, and is quoted by Pappus who flourished around 320 AD.  But it seems that in his Dioptra Hero refers to a lunar eclipse visible at Alexandria and Rome.  The only one that fits these criteria happened in 62 AD, around the time that St. Paul was released from house arrest in Rome, and also around the time that Mark’s gospel was being written.  Ptolemy (fl. ca. 127-158 AD) does not make use of Hero, which is perhaps an upper limit.

It has been speculated that a new model of water-organ, demonstrated to Nero in 68 AD, was probably Hero’s invention; which means that he might even have been in Rome at the same time as the apostles.  At his lavish new palace, the Domus Aurea, a new and ingenious technology entertains an emperor and his court.  Meanwhile, across the city the apostle Peter is addressing a humble congregation.  It is a reminder that the most important events of an era are not always the most heralded.

Hero’s Mechanics is about how to lift heavy weights.  The first two books go through a number of principles for doing so with limited power, while the third book describes designs for weights and presses.

I’ve come across another handbook which contains an English translation of some extracts.  This is G. Irby-Massie & P.T. Keyser, Greek Science of the Hellenistic Era : A Sourcebook, 2002, starting on p.168.  They are taken from Drachmann’s handbook which I have yet to see.[2]  Here they are:

6.11. Heron of Alexandria

Mechanics 1.20–21: weights; 2.1.1: simple machines; 2.3: the pulley; 3.2.1–2: the crane

There are many who think that weights lying on the ground are only moved by an equal force [contrast Aristotle, Physics 7.5 (250a11–19)], wherein they hold wrong opinions. So let us prove that weights placed in the way described are moved by an arbitrarily small force, and let us make clear the reason why this is not evident in fact. Let us imagine a weight lying on the ground, and let it be regular, smooth and with its parts coherent with each other. And let the surface on which the weight lies be flat, smooth and completely joined, and able to be inclined to both sides, i.e., to the right and the left. And let it be inclined first towards the right. It is then evident to us that the given weight must incline towards the right side, because the nature of weights is to move downwards, if nothing holds them and hinders them from movement; and again if the inclined side is lifted to a horizontal position and will be level [i.e., in equilibrium], the weight will come to rest in this position. And if it is inclined to the other side, i.e., to the left side, the weight will again sink towards the inclined side, even if the inclination is very small, and so the weight will need no force to move it, but will need a force to hold it so that it does not move. And if the weight again becomes level without inclination to either side, then it will stay there without a force holding it, and it will not cease being at rest until the surface inclines to one side or another, and then it will incline towards that side. Thus the weight that is ready to incline to whichever side, does it not require only a small force to move it, namely as much force as causes the inclination? And so isn’t the weight moved by any small force?

21.  Now, water on a surface that is not inclined will not flow, but remains without inclining to either side. But if the slightest inclination occurs, then all of it will flow towards that side, till not the smallest part of the water remains thereon, unless there are hollows in the surface, and small amounts stay in the bottom of the hollows, as happens often in vessels. Now water inclines like this because its parts lack cohesion and are very soluble.
As for the bodies that are coherent, since by their nature they are not smooth on their surfaces and not easily made smooth, it happens through the roughness of the bodies that they strengthen each other, and it happens that they lean upon each other like teeth, and they are strengthened thus, for if the teeth are numerous and closely joined, they require a strong and coherent force [to separate them]. And so from experiment people gained understanding: under tortoises [war machines: see Athenaios above, Section 6.9] they placed pieces of wood whose surfaces were cylindrical and so did not touch more than a small part of the surface, and so only very little rubbing occurred. And they use poles to move the weight on them easily, even though the weight is increased by the weight of the tools. And some people put on the ground cut boards (because of their smoothness) and smear them with grease, because thus their surface roughness is made smooth, and so they move the weight with smaller force. As for the cylinders, if they are heavy and lie on the ground, so that the ground does not touch more than one line of them, then they are moved easily, and so also balls; and we have already talked about that [1.2–7].

2.1.1 [simple machines (surviving in Greek)]

Since the powers by which a given weight is moved by a given force are five, it is necessary to present their form and their use and their names, because these powers are all derived from one natural principle, though they are very different in form. Their names are as follows: the axle-in-wheel [windlass], the lever [mochlos], the pulley [trochilos], the wedge [sphên], and what is called the “endless” screw [kochlia].

[construction of the axle-in-wheel]

[2.2 the lever]

2.3 [pulley (surviving in Greek)]

The third power [pulley] is also called the ‘‘multi-lifter” [poluspaston].

Whenever we want to move some weight, if we tie a rope to this weight we pull with as much force as is equal to the burden. But if we untie the rope from the weight, and tie one of its ends to a stationary point and pass its other end over a pulley fastened to the burden and draw on the rope, we will more easily move the weight. And again if we fasten on the stationary point another pulley and run the end of the rope through that and pull it, we will still more easily move the weight. And again if we fasten on this weight another pulley and run the end of the cord over it, we will much more easily move the weight. And in this way, each time we add pulleys to the stationary point and to the burden, and run one end of the rope through the pulleys in turn, we will more easily move the weight. And every time the number of pulleys through which the rope runs is increased, it will be easier to lift that weight. The more “limbs” [kôla] the rope is bent into, the easier the weight will be moved.

And one end of the rope must be securely tied to the stationary point, and the rope must go from there to the weight (Figure 6.8). As for the pulleys that are on the stationary point they must be fastened to one piece of wood, turning on an axle, and this axle is called manganon; and it is tied to the stationary point with another rope. And as for the pulleys that are fastened to the burden, they are on another manganon like the first, tied to the burden. The pulleys should be so arranged on the axles that the “limbs” do not get entangled and unwieldy. And why the ease of lifting follows from the number of “limbs,” and why the end of the rope is tied to the stationary point, we shall explain in the following.

3.2.1–2 [the crane (surviving in Greek): compare Vitruvius 10.2.8]

1. For the lifting of burdens upwards there are certain machines: some have one mast, and some have two masts, and some have three, and some have four masts. As for the one that has a single mast it is made in this way. We take a long piece of wood, longer than the distance to which we want to raise the burden, and even if this pole is strong in itself, we take a rope and coil it round, winding it equally spaced, and draw it tight. The space between the single windings should not be greater than four palms [ca. 30 cm], and the windings of the rope are like steps for the workers and they are useful for anyone wanting to work on the upper section. And if the pole is not elastic, we must estimate the burdens to be lifted, lest the mast be too weak.

2 This mast is erected upright on a piece of wood, and three or four ropes are  fastened to its top, stretched and tied to fixed points, so that the beam, however it is forced, will not give way (being held by the ropes). Then they attach to its top pulleys tied to the burden. Then they pull on the rope either by hand or with another engine, until the burden is raised [Figure 6.9].

[3.3–5: two-, three-, and four-mast cranes]

 

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  1. [1]Karin Tybjerg, “Hero of Alexandria’s Mechanical Treatises”, in: Astrid Schurmann (ed), Physik / Mechanik, Stuttgart (2005), 204-226.  Preview here.
  2. [2]Drachmann [1963] 46–47, 50, 53–55, 98–99; Drachmann, A.G. (1963) Mechanical Technology of Greek and Roman Antiquity, Copenhagen: Munskgaard.

Cleomedes: how big is the earth?

Some time between Posidonius and Ptolemy, i.e. between the 1st century BC and the 2nd century AD, a Greek named Cleomedes wrote a 2 book basic treatise on astronomy, De motu circulari corporum caelestium.[1]  This was based mainly on the lost work of Posidonius, but also on others.

Cleomedes is our primary source for the calculations of Erastothenes, who measured the earth in the 3rd century BC.  I had never seen this, and I happened across a translation of the relevant portion, so I thought that it might be interesting to reproduce the passage here.

The text was edited in 1891 in the Teubner series by Herman Ziegler, who based his edition upon three manuscripts which he describes in a vague way.  I have supplemented his atrocious list from Pinakes:

  •  Florence, Mediceo-Laurentianus Plutei LXIX, 13.  12th century, fol.137v-164, where Cleomedes follows Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Philosophers.
  • Leipzig Universitäts-Bibliothek gr. 16 (once 361; 250), foll. 286-298.
  • Nuremberg, Stadtbibliothek, fonds principal, Cent. V. App. 37, 15th century.

He casually informs us that others exist at the Marciana library in Venice (no. CCXIV and CCCVIII, supposedly 11-12th century), and six others which he does not trouble to name.  Fortunately we have the Pinakes list of manuscripts here.

As he gives a shelfmark only for the Florence ms., we may reasonably infer that Ziegler followed the Florence manuscript, and borrowed material from others as he found it useful.  But we must remember that the task of editing a technical astronomical work may well have been considerable.

Edit (3rd Jan. 2019): A correspondent tells me that a new Teubner edition by R. B. Todd came out in 1990, with a proper account of the manuscripts.  This I have not seen, however.

Cleomedes has recently been translated into English, I find, although again I have not seen this; Alan C. Bowen, Robert B. Todd, Cleomedes’ Lectures on Astronomy. A Translation of The Heavens with an Introduction and Commentary. University of California Press, 2004.  A French translation by “R. Goulart” in 1980[2] is described as “faulty” in the Oxford Classical Dictionary.[3]

Here’s the relevant passage, from Heath’s translation of Cleomedes, On the orbits of the heavenly bodies, I, 10.[4]

About the size of the earth the physicists, or natural philosophers,  have held different views, but those of Posidonius and Eratosthenes are preferable to the rest. The latter shows the size of the earth by a geometrical method; the method of Posidonius is simpler. Both lay down certain hypotheses, and, by successive inferences from the hypotheses, arrive at their demonstrations.

Posidonius says that Rhodes and Alexandria lie under the same meridian. Now meridian circles are circles which are drawn through the poles of the universe and through the point which is above the head of any individual standing on the earth. The poles are the same for all these circles, but the vertical point is different for different persons. Hence we can draw an infinite number of meridian circles. Now Rhodes and Alexandria lie under the same meridian circle, and the distance between the cities is reputed to be 5,000 stades.[5] Suppose this to be the case.

All the meridian circles are among the great circles in the universe, dividing it into two equal parts and being drawn through the poles. With these hypotheses, Posidonius proceeds to divide the zodiac circle, which is equal to the mendian circles, because it also divides the universe into two equal parts, into forty-eight parts, thereby cutting each of the twelfth parts of it (i.e., signs) into four. If, then, the meridian circle through Rhodes and Alexandria is divided into the same number of parts, forty-eight, as the zodiac circle, the segments of it are equal to the aforesaid segments of the zodiac. For, when equal magnitudes are divided into (the same number of) equal parts, the parts of the divided magnitudes must be respectively equal to the parts. This being so, Posidonius goes on to say that the very bright star called Canopus lies to the south, practically on the Rudder of Argo. The said star is not seen at all in Greece; hence Aratus does not even mention it in his Phaenomena. But, as you go from north to south, it begins to be visible at Rhodes and, when seen on the horizon there, it sets again immediately as the universe revolves.1 But when we have sailed the 5,000 stades and are at Alexandria, this star, when it is exactly in the middle of the heaven, is found to be at a height above the honzon of one-fourth of a sign, that is,one forty-eighth part of the zodiac circle.’ It follows, therefore, that the segment of the same mendian circle which lies above the distance between Rhodes and Alexandria is one forty-eighth part of the said circle, because the honzon of the Rhodians is distant from that of the Alexandrians by one forty-eighth of the zodiac circle. Since, then, the part of the earth under this segment is reputed to be 5,000 stades, the parts (of the earth) under the other (equal) segments (of the meridian circle) also measure 5,000 stades; and thus the great circle of the earth is found to measure 240,000 stades, assuming that from Rhodes to Alexandria is 5,000 stades; but, if not, it is in (the same) ratio to the distance. Such then is Posidonius’ way of dealing with the size of the earth.

The method of Eratosthenes1 depends on a geometrical argument and gives the impression of being slightly more difficult to follow. But his statement will be made clear if we premise the following. Let us suppose, in this case too, first, that Syene and Alexandria he under the same meridian circle, secondly, that the distance between the two cities is 5,000 stades;1 and thirdly, that the rays sent down from different parts of the sun on different parts of the earth are parallel; for this is the hypothesis on which geometers proceed Fourthly, let us assume that, as proved by the geometers, straight lines falling on parallel straight lines make the alternate angles equal, and fifthly, that the arcs standing on (i e., subtended by) equal angles are similar, that is, have the same proportion and the same ratio to their proper circles—this, too, being a fact proved by the geometers. Whenever, therefore, arcs of circles stand on equal angles, if any one of these is (say) one-tenth of its proper circle, all the other arcs will be tenth parts of their proper circles.

Any one who has grasped these facts will have no difficulty in understanding the method of Eratosthenes, which is this Syene and Alexandria lie, he says, under the same mendian circle. Since meridian circles are great circles in the universe, the circles of the earth which lie under them are necessarily also great circles. Thus, of whatever size this method shows the circle on the earth passing through Syene and Alexandria to be, this will be the size of the great circle of the earth Now Eratosthenes asserts, and it is the fact, that Syene lies under the summer tropic. Whenever, therefore, the sun, being m the Crab at the summer solstice, is exactly in the middle of the heaven, the gnomons (pointers) of sundials necessarily throw no shadows, the position of the sun above them being exactly vertical; and it is said that this is true throughout a space three hundred stades in diameter.1 But in Alexandria, at the same hour, the pointers of sundials throw shadows, because Alexandria lies further to the north than Syene. The two cities lying under the 9ame meridian great circle, if we draw an arc from the extremity of the shadow to the base of the pointer of the sundial in Alexandria, the arc will be a segment of a great circle in the (hemispherical) bowl of the sundial, since the bowl of the sundial lies under the great circle (of the meridian). If now we conceive straight lines produced from each of the pointers through the earth, they will meet at the centre of the earth. Since then the sundial at Syene is vertically under the sun, if we conceive a straight line coming from the sun to the top of the pointer of the sundial, the line reaching from the sun to the centre of the earth will be one straight line. If now we conceive another straight line drawn upwards from the extremity of the shadow of the pointer of the sundial in Alexandria, through the top of the pointer to the sun, this straight line and the aforesaid straight line will be parallel, since they are straight lines coming through from different parts of the sun to different parts of the earth. On these straight lines, therefore, which are parallel, there falls the straight line drawn from the centre of the earth to the pointer at Alexandria, so that the alternate angles which it makes arc equal. One of these angles is that formed at the centre of the earth, at the intersection of the straight lines which were drawn from the sundials to the centre of the earth; the other is at the point of intersection of the top of the pointer at Alexandria and the straight line drawn from the extremity of its shadow to the sun through the point (the top) where it meets the pointer * Now on this latter angle stands the arc carried round from the extremity of the shadow of the pointer to its base, while on the angle at the centre of the earth stands the arc reaching from Syene to Alexandria. But the arcs are similar, since they stand on equal angles. Whatever ratio, therefore, the arc in the bowl of the sundial has to its proper circle, the arc reaching from Syene to Alexandria has that ratio to its proper circle. But the arc in the bowl is found to be one-fiftieth of its proper circle.’ Therefore the distance from Syene to Alexandria must necessarily be one-fiftieth part of the great circle of the earth. And the said distance is 5,000 stades; therefore the complete great circle measures 250,000 stades. Such is Eratosthenes’ method.

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  1. [1]H. Ziegler, Cleomediis de Motu Circulari Corporum Caelestium Libri, Leipzig: Teubner, 1891, at Google Books here.  Includes Latin translation.  There is an updated Teubner by R.B. Todd, 1990.
  2. [2]Probably R. Goulet, Cléomède: Théorie Élémentaire. Texte présenté, traduit et commenté, Paris, 1980.
  3. [3]Simon Hornblower etc, The Oxford Classical Dictionary, OUP, 2012. Article preview here on p.331.  This dates the work at ca. 360 AD, and says that Cleomedes’ account of the work of Erastothenes is “mostly fictitious”.
  4. [4]Translated by T. L. Heath in Greek Astronomy, London (1932); via Cohen & Drabkin, A source book in Greek Science, 1948, p.149-153.  This contains diagrams and detailed but rather unclear comment.
  5. [5]Which is actually too much

Good Friday – the Pilate Stone

It is Good Friday today.  By chance I found myself looking on Twitter at a picture of the so-called “Pilate stone”.  This is the Roman inscription which mentions Pontius Pilate.  Most of us will be familiar with its existence, but it seems appropriate to gather some of the information about it.

In 1961 an Italian expedition was conducting the third season of excavations at Caesarea.  They found an inscribed stone in situ in the remains of the Roman theatre, where it was being used as the landing in a flight of steps which led up to the seating.  The stone was placed there during rebuilding in the 4th century AD.  In the process of reuse, the left-hand third of the inscription had been chiselled away.[1]  The stone is 82 cm high, 68 cm wide, and 20 cm thick.  The letters are 6-7 cm high, and the spaces between the lines 3-4 cm.[2]

The inscription was published by A. Frova, L’Iscrizione di Ponzio Pilato a Cesarea, Rend. Istituto Lombardo, accademia di scienze e lettere, classe di lettere 95, Milan, 1961 (Pp. 419-34, 1 map and 2 plates), which I have not seen.  It appears, I am told, in L’Annee Epigraphique in 1963 as entry 104 (ref: AE 1963 no. 104).

Three lines of the inscription are legible, and there is an acute accent from a fourth line.  Here is a transcription:[3]

A useful picture from the web shows this, with the possible missing text.

Frova suggested that the starting “S” is perhaps the end of “Caesariensibus”.  Also there is an acute accent – an “apice” -, just like the one over the E of Tiberieum, on the fourth line.  This, it is speculated, belongs to an E, which perhaps was part of DEDIT, I.e. “he has given”.

If we accept this, we would get us something like “To the Caesareans, the Tiberium Pontius Pilate, Prefect of Judaea, ?? has given ??”, I.e. Pontius Pilate, Prefect of Judaea, has given this Temple of Tiberius to the people of Caesarea.

Sherwin-White remarked that this confirmed his own hypothesis as to the title that Pilate held.  The title of Procurator was introduced by Claudius, and its use for Pilate by Tacitus and Josephus is perhaps simply a case of those authors using the contemporary title for a provincial governor, rather than one that had dropped out of use.

Not everyone agrees with Forva’s reconstruction, or the interpretation of the Tiberium as a temple.  An alternative proposed by Géza Alföldy in 2012[4] would see it as a lighthouse, one of a pair built by Herod, now restored by Pilate for the benefit of the sailors.  He would thus read:

Nautis Tiberieum
– Pontius Pilatus
(praef)ectus Iudae(a)e
(ref)e(cit)

Josephus tells us (Jewish War I, 412; Antiquities XV, 336) that Herod built colossal lighthouses at Caesarea, the largest of which stood on the western entrance to the port was named after Augustus’ step-son Drusus, Tiberius’ brother.  This then was the “Drusion”.  Alfoldy surmises that the “Tiberion” was therefore another lighthouse, perhaps on the eastern entrance of the double port.

The original stone is now in the Israel Museum in Jerusalem:

A reproduction is at Caesarea.

On which note, may I wish everyone a Happy Easter!

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  1. [1]A.N. Sherwin-White, Review of L’Iscrizione di Ponzio Pilato a Cesarea by A. Frova, JRS 54 (1964), 258-9.  JSTOR.
  2. [2]J. Vardaman, ‘A New Inscription Which Mentions Pilate as “Prefect”‘, Journal of Biblical Literature 81 (1962), 70-1.  JSTOR.
  3. [3]By Frova, via the Vardaman article.
  4. [4]Géza Alföldy, “L’iscrizione di Ponzio Pilato: una discussione senza fine?” In: Gianpaolo Urso (ed), Iudaea socia – Iudaea capta, (= I Convegni della Fondazione Niccolò Canussio. Band 11). Edizioni ETS, Pisa (2012), p. 137-150. Online here.