More on Persian Christian literature

There have been a number of further posts in the NASCAS forum on the subject of Persian Christian literature, all of considerable interest.

Thomas A. Carlson writes:

At one time there was a larger corpus of Persian Christian materials.  In Middle Persian there were some psalms, translations from Syriac Christian authors (including Abraham of Nathpar and Abraham of Kashkar, both translated by Job the Persian), a liturgy (mentioned by John of Dalyatha in a letter), and a law-book by Ishobokht of Rewardashir apparently composed in Persian, but which only survives in Syriac translation.  

In Sogdian some has survived, including parts of the Psalms and New Testament, some saints’ lives, and some monastic literature, an overview of which is provided at the end of Baum & Winkler, The Church of the East: A Concise History (London, 2003), 168-170.  

Dr. Pritula’s excellent work only concerns materials translated into neo-Persian, that is, Persian written in (modified) Arabic script.  Of this, if I remember correctly (it has been a while since I’ve looked at this!), almost all that survives from before the Jesuit missions c.1600 is biblical, although more was at one time written in Persian, for example the lost original travel account of Rabban Sauma’s trip to Europe, which the editor/translator mentioned at the end of the account of Rabban Sauma’s voyage in the Syriac “History of Mar Yahballaha and of Rabban Sauma” (edited by Bedjan, translated into English by Budge, recently re-edited by Pier Giorgio Borbone).

For my own reference, and possible future use, I am keeping a list of known (including lost) works in Christian Persian, so if others know of additional works I am very happy to hear of them!

Sasha Treiger draws attention to an article on the Chronology of Translations of the Bible in the Encyclopedia Iranica.  First it lists translations into Middle Persian, or evidence that such exist:

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    • 4th century. Statement by John Chrysostom (Homily on John, in Migne, Patrologia Graecia LIX, col. 32) that doctrines of Christ had been translated into the languages of the Persians.
    • 5th century. Statement by Theodoret (Graecarum affect­ionum curatio IX.936, in Migne, PG LXXXIII, col. 1045c) that Persians regarded the Gospels as divine revelation.
    • 4th-6th centuries (?). Middle Persian translation from Syriac of Psalms 94-99, 119-136 (the “Pahlavi Psal­ter”); the extant manuscript contains canons written after ca. 550; Andreas-Barr, 1933.
    • ? centuries. Sogdian translations of the Gospels, Pauline epistles, and Psalms.
    • 9th century. Biblical quotations in the Zoroastrian text Škand-gumānīg wizār; Menasce, 1945, pp. 176ff., Asmussen and Paper, p. 5.

Then it continues with lists of translations of biblical texts into modern Persian.  This begins in the 13th century, is extensive and mainly from Syriac.

Further details appear in the next article, by Shaul Shaked, on Middle Persian Translations of the Bible:

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    • The only extant Middle Persian Bible version is represented by fragments of a translation of the Psalms found at the ruin of the Nestorian monastery at Bulayïq near Turfan.   Most of Psalms 94-99, 118, and 121-36 are contained in these fragments. The script is an early form of the cursive Pahlavi script (see Nyberg, Manual I, p. 129).
    • Theodoret, in the fifth century, mentions a translation of the Bible into the language of the Persians alongside with those of the Romans, Egyptians, Armenians, Scythians, and Sauromatians (Migne, Patrologia Graeca 83, Paris, 1859, cols. 947f.; quoted by Munk, p. 65 n. 2; Asmussen and Paper, p. 5). The existence of Iranian language translations of the Book of Esther in use among Jews is indicated by a question which is raised in the Talmud as to whether it is permissible to recite the text of the Book of Esther on the festival of Purim in one of the following languages: Greek, Coptic, Elamite, or Median (Bavli Megilla 18a).

William Hume raises the question of Manichaean literature, in an interesting if somewhat rambling post, and points out:

Speaking of Middle-Persian-Script languages: let us all constantly keep in mind that the Dun Huang & Turfan materials are not fully excavated, and what has been excavated has not been fully described, much less catalogued.  Those materials have yielded plenty of Manichaean materials.  I have an extremely vague recollection that there were even Nestorian materials found, in Iranian-branch languages like Khotanese Saka, and so on.

He also adds:

May I add, as a sort of “marginal” consideration, my understanding that there is a fair amount of Manichaean literature that survives in Middle Persian? … Prof. Ludwig KOENEN of University of Michigan published the Coptic “Life of Mani”, in which it was made clear that Mani grew up as an Elkasite Gnostic…

I confess that this is news to me, and rather interesting.  The Cologne Mani codex, here referenced, also has an article in the Encyclopedia Iranica here.  The Wikipedia article (unreliable, of course!) gives a 5th century date for the tiny codex, and mentions an English translation.  It also links to images of all the pages.  I have not been able to find an English translation online, however.

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Persian Christian manuscripts

The NASCAS Christian Arabic group is one I look into from time to time, because of my interest in Christian Arabic literature.  But I find today a couple of messages there on something even further removed from the comfortable shores of Greek and Latin patristics.  Who in the world knows anything about Persian Christian literature?

Anton Pritula does.  He writes:

 Persian Christian MSs was my PhD topic. I published it later in Russian: Christianstvo i persidskaya knizhnost’ XIII-XVIII vv. [Christianity and the Persian Manuscript Tradition in the 13–17th  centuries, in Russian]. St Petersburg, 2004 (163 pp.).

It contains an English summary and an index of the existing Persian Christian MSs.

The most famous of them is of course the illumitated Persian Diatessaron (OR.81), in the Florence Library Medicea Laurenziana (transcr. in 1547 AD).  Catalogue entry:  Piemontese A.M. Catalogo dei manoscritti persiani conservati nelle biblioteche d’Italia. Roma. Libr. dello stato. № 5, 1989. P. 104, no. 140.

In the same catalogue you can find also several other Persian Chr. MSs.

The text of this Diatessaron MS was also published by G.Messina: Messina G. Diatessaron persiano. I. Introduzione. II. Testo e Traduzione. Roma, 1951.

Also interesting are the Gospel (Pococke 241) in the Bodlean Library, Oxford (transcr. in 1341 AD) and a Nestorian lectionary in the National Library in Paris (Persan 3) (transcr. 1374 AD).

According to my list the total is 123 Persian Chr. MSs, but it was several years ago, and since that time I have found some more, but anyway under 150.

He then added:

Well, I think I would load the PDF of the book in internet and give the links. At least the English summary (15 pp.), MSs index and the bibliography could be helpful.

I am also thinking of publishing it in English, but a little bit updated, as some new information came up since 2004, when it had appeared. May be, someone knows a publishing house, where it would be appropriate to do.

And he was as good as his word:

Here you can find my book on the Persian Christian MSs.

http://www.sendspace.com/file/km4sx1′

Pritula A. Christianstvo i persidskaya knizhnost’ XIII-XVIII vv. [Pritula A. Christianity and the Persian Manuscript Tradition in the 13–17th  centuries; in Russian]. St Petersburg, 2004 (163 pp.). It has an English summary and a MSs index. It was published in 2004, and there is some new literature, which cannot be found in the bibliography there.

The English summary is at the back of the PDF.  I might OCR the English and post it.  Essentially the materials are from Nestorian / East Syriac sources, in the 13-14th centuries.  There is the Diatessaron; gospel mss; a lectionary; and also some commentaries on paraphrases of the Psalms.  All are written in Persian language but in the Arabic alphabet, often from a Syriac source.  There were also materials translated by Catholic missionaries.

There is no single corpus of Persian Christian literature, and little of it survives in Iran.  Rather we are dealing with isolated pockets of translation.

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John the Lydian, ‘March’ from book 4 of “On the months” now online

The 6th century writer John the Lydian wrote a book De Mensibus, On the months, in which he gathered a great deal of antiquarian lore about the Roman world.  Book 4 of this work goes through the months, noting the festivals together with other information.

Some time back I commissioned a translation of “March” from book 4.  Mischa Hooker kindly undertook the work, and has done his usual splendid job.

The HTML version is here, and with luck will be mirrored at CCEL sooner or later.  The original Word .doc file is here:JohnLydusonMarch-final_version.

Both I place in the public domain; do whatever you like with  them, personal, educational or commercial.

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From my diary

Back on the chain gang, moan groan … until I consider that there are many people who would gladly swap places with me!

I’ve just upgraded the memory in my laptop this evening from 4Gbto 8Gb.  It makes quite a remarkable difference to the speed of the machine.  The memory I got from Crucial.com, whose bit of software telling me what to get was quite useful.  Mind you, it gave me several choices at the same price, and I had to burrow through the unfamiliar specifications for a while to work out that one set of memory must be rather faster than the other.  How long it is, since I knew PC hardware in endless detail!

Meanwhile I have received a Word document from Andrew Eastbourne containing a translation of John the Lydian’s De Mensibus (On the months) book IV, chapter 3 (‘March’).  It’s very good indeed, and contains a lot of interesting material, and not merely about Roman dates and events.  When I get a moment, I shall upload it.

No news from Lightning Source, from whom I ordered a new proof copy a week ago.  I shall have to pester them, I see.

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Not talking, not talking, just send me messages

This evening someone wrote to me, and asked for my phone number.  I think they wanted to convey some information without leaving a trail, and of course this is understandable. 

But from time to time people do this.  They write an email, and then I get a request to talk by telephone.  It is never welcome, really.  What do I have to say to anyone?

It makes me feel quite awkward, when I decline (as, almost invariably, I do).  It seems that some people are more comfortable with the telephone than with typing.  But I really don’t want to talk to people I don’t know by telephone.  Am I alone in so feeling?  Am I alone among bloggers in getting these requests, I wonder? 

At the moment, indeed, I have a cold virus that makes me cough like a man with TB when I speak.  Indeed, judging from the sounds in the supermarket this afternoon, most of my local area has the same cold.  So I have a just excuse to put people off.  Miserable git, no doubt you’re all thinking.

All this reminds me of an episode in a job that I did a couple of years ago.  At the time I was working for a major pharmaceutical company, and I had been recruited a couple of years earlier by a very pleasant chap whom I respected greatly.  But he had a near-supernatural talent for recruiting the wrong people.  He had since moved to another project, where he had recruited two utterly unsuitable people as his development team.

The first of these was travelling long-distance to the job.  He was also an albino, and was suffering from the illnesses associated with that condition.  This, combined with the tiredness, meant that he hardly spoke to anyone.  He resigned; and my old boss looked for someone to replace him, which was where I came in.  Of course I was glad to help, and I went and sat at the desk in question.

Sitting next to me was the other team member. I leaned over and cheerily said “good morning”.  Rather to my surprise I got back a scowl and a “don’t talk to me; send me an instant message on your PC”.  That was a shock! 

In fact, he thawed over time, as he discovered that I was inoffensive and no threat to him.  We got on well, and I’m still more or less in touch with him.  But he remained very quiet and reluctant to say much. 

In the end he fell out with my boss, and announced that he was going to go to California, and cruise the beaches in order to  “pick up surfer chicks”.  And off he went.

As he was short, balding and inarticulate, I gave him zero out of ten marks for probability.  But I gave him ten out of ten for ambition! 

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Osama bin Laden dead

Apparently the US got him at last — he was shot dead in a gun battle in Pakistan.  Let us rejoice at this, for it means that the world is a better place today.

He inherited huge amounts of money, and was evidently a man of much ability.  He used that money and ability to attempt to turn the world into a theocratic Islamic state, against the wishes of almost everyone living in it.  His method was violence and terror, and he was successful at it.  Not merely did he himself organise the murder of thousands whom he never met, in order to further his aims.  He also succeeded in creating an upsurge in Moslem violence against non-Moslems around the world.  For one man, not a head of state, to cause so many deaths is remarkable.  In the process he made it necessary and legitimate for free countries to introduce the kind of surveillance previously only known in unfree states, and it is likely that all of us are less free in consequence.

Some feel that it is wrong to rejoice at the death of any man, however bad.  There is something in this.  It may be a little undignified, perhaps.  But there is a risk that in so doing we will minimise the evil that he chose to do.  There is a risk that we seem to palter with the categories of good and evil. 

Long ago I read some words of J. A. Froude on this subject in the pages of Augustine Birrell.  Let us have a look at them now.  In The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon he wrote:

To Cæsar or Napoleon it matters nothing what judgment the world passes upon their conduct. It is of more importance for the ethical value of history that acts which as they are related appear wicked should be duly condemned, that acts which are represented as having advanced the welfare of mankind should be duly honoured, than that the real character of individuals should be correctly appreciated.

To appreciate any single man with complete accuracy is impossible. To appreciate him even proximately is extremely difficult. Rulers of kingdoms may have public reasons for what they do, which at the time may be understood or allowed for. Times change, and new interests rise. The circumstances no longer exist which would explain their conduct. The student looks therefore for an explanation in elements which he thinks he understands — in pride, ambition, fear, avarice, jealousy, or sensuality; and, settling the question thus to his own satisfaction, resents or ridicules attempts to look for other motives.

So long as his moral judgment is generally correct, he inflicts no injury, and he suffers none. Cruelty and lust are proper objects of abhorrence; he learns to detest them in studying the Tiberius of Tacitus, though the character described by the great Roman historian may have been a mere creation of the hatred of the old Roman aristocracy. The manifesto of the Prince of Orange was a libel against Philip the Second; but the Philip of Protestant tradition is an embodiment of the persecuting spirit of Catholic Europe which it would be now useless to disturb.

The tendency of history is to fall into wholesome moral lines whether they be accurate or not, and to interfere with harmless illusions may cause greater errors than it aspires to cure. Crowned offenders are arraigned at the tribunal of history for the crimes which they are alleged to have committed.

It may be sometimes shown that the crimes were not crimes at all, that the sufferers had deserved their fate, that the severities were useful and essential for some great and valuable purpose. But the reader sees in the apology for acts which he had regarded as tyrannical a defence of tyranny itself. Preoccupied with the received interpretation, he finds deeds excused which he had learnt to execrate; and in learning something which, even if true, is of no real moment to him, he suffers in the maiming of his perceptions of the difference between right and wrong

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Origen update

Slightly horrified to discover that the last email exchange with the translator of Origen’s Homilies on Ezekiel was 18th May 2010!  It’s been a hard year, I know, and the Eusebius has eaten all my time and energy, but even so that’s too long.  And it’s my fault; I simply cannot keep track of everything I have going on, and someone does have to do this.

I’ve written to the translator suggesting that we see if we can finish the thing off.  All the work has long since been done; it’s merely a question of revision.  I think only homilies 3-7 need that revision.  There may be some formatting work to do, in which case various friends will be getting emails in the not too distant future.

I also need to devise a cover.  Something green, I think, with a landscape photo.  Hum.

Tomorrow I have to go back to work, to a job where I don’t feel all that comfortable.  Fortunately it’s only for a couple more months.  If people would remember me to the Lord, and ask for something else, something good, enjoyable, and well-paid, that would be kind.

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Publishing Michael the Syrian

An email has arrived, inviting me to publish commercially an English translation of the World Chronicle of Michael the Syrian.  This is a surprise, although a welcome one.  It is a very great honour also.

The Chronicle of Michael the Syrian is an enormous thing.  The French translation by J.-B. Chabot, made a century ago, fills three large volumes.  I borrowed the volumes, one by one, from a library and laboriously scanned them.  The resulting PDF’s may be found on Archive.org.  The translator estimates around 1200 pages, for the English translation, which is three times the size of Eusebius.

I don’t see my role in life as conventional publishing.  There are enough people who could do that.  Rather my job is to get things into the hands of people who want to read them.  This means three different types of people:

  1. Research libraries, where students can find them, and where journals can review them.  Hardbacks with dustjackets is my approach to these.
  2. Ordinary people involved in the subject.  This means cheap paperback, although I don’t know how cheap any book of 1200 pages can be. 
  3. Ordinary people who just want to look at bits now and then, or do searches.  This means freely available online — no other form will cut it. 

What I have done for the Eusebius and Origen volumes is to buy the copyright (although allowing the translators to do whatever they like with it as well — hey, why not?).  If I own the copyright, I can do #3.  But before I do, I get the book typeset and a cover designed, so that I can make #1 and #2 available through Amazon.com, etc.  I’ll do some marketing to scholars and libraries as well.  Once the sales die down, and whatever money is to be made is made, I can then do #3.

Of course a press like Cambridge University Press would be able to give the book a far more sumptuous production than I can.  They can market it to places who wouldn’t look at me.  But … they would also hold the copyright until all of us are dead, and none of us would ever see the book.

I’ve made a proposal to the copyright holder, anyway.  It may come to nothing, and it doesn’t matter if so; I’m quite busy enough right now!  But if it does happen, it will mean that Michael comes out of the shadows and into all of our lives.

It would also mean that I would have to start finding a typesetter!

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The lighthouse at Leptis Magna

The harbour at Leptis Magna is a bay between two headlands, as this map from the web shows (click on the images for full-size). 

Map of Leptis Magna

It is silted up now, and a sandy beach runs between the two:

Lighthouse at Leptis Magna

On the far headland stands the lighthouse, or what now remains of it.  It is falling into the sea, and another century will see it gone.  The Italians would, of course, have done something about this, but the Libyans never have.

I climbed up the headland, and took this closer photograph, looking north-east, where it seems relatively complete:

The Lighthouse at Leptis Magna, looking North-East

I then walked round to the left and took another, which makes the sea’s closeness clearer. 

The lighthouse of Leptis Magna from the rear

The sea has demolished the left hand wall, as can be seen if you climb up close.  The interior is now a shell, with the sea tossing at the bottom.

I don’t think many people will be going to Libya this year, but we should remember how much there is there which is well worth our seeing.

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Dreaming of Rome

For the last few days I have been dipping into a general tourist guide to Rome at odd points during the day.  It’s been very pleasant, imagining myself there, thinking of the Piazza Navona or the Spanish Steps, or the little shop not far from the Pantheon where one can buy bread and cheese and other essentials.

But today I found myself reading a section about the Appian Way, running south-west from the city.  The Baths of Caracalla I have seen; but beyond these the road runs out through the Aurelian walls of Rome, and down past various catacombs to the tomb of Cecilia Metella (reconstruction image left from here).  The circus of Maxentius is nearby, and the guidebook vaguely refers to the ruins of an “imperial palace” nearby.

I’d like to see these.  But I realise that I have no real idea how to do so.  In central Rome I walk, or I take the metro.  But I would like to be able to get a bit further.  I’d like to be able to hire a car and driver and go to Ostia, or to the ruins of Hadrian’s villa.

What does one do?  Has anyone any tales to tell?

I mistrust taxis in Rome.  I well remember picking up a taxi at Termini to go to my hotel — which was almost walking distance away — and noticing with surprise that the meter started, not at zero, but at 20 euros.  That was a pricey trip; and when the time came to return I walked back.

I must go to Rome again.  Only … my last visit was by myself, to photograph a manuscript.  It was cheap enough to do, and to take a flight by Easyjet — was it Easyjet? — to Rome and an Easyjet minibus as far as Termini.  But it was a lonely trip, really.  I remember feeling lonely while I was there.  My other trips have been as part of tours, with people to talk to if I wanted.  Perhaps I need to find a Rome tour that will do much of this with me.  But where, I wonder?

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